The Success and Limitation of India＇s Multilateral Diplomacy

Beginning from the advent of the 21st century, the world has increasingly shifted toward multi-polarization, and international relations are becoming normalized and institutionalized due to economic globalization and regional integration. The concept of multilateralism has gained currency in the international community and become a cornerstone of international relations.1 In this context, India highlights multilateral diplomacy in its foreign strategy, and enthusiastically engages in the construction of multilateral systems.     

“The Greatest Success of British Diplomacy in East Asia in Recent Years”? British Diplomacy and the Ending of Confrontation, 1965–1966

Arthur de la Mare, an under-secretary of state at the British Foreign Office, wrote in 1967 that the ending of the Malaysia–Indonesia Confrontation of 1963–1966 was “the greatest success of British diplomacy in East Asia in recent years.” However, historians generally believe British influence in the process to end this conflict was extremely limited, as it has been widely accepted that this conflict ended through bilateral negotiations between Jakarta and Kuala Lumpur. On one level, this view is accurate, but “Confrontation” took months to end and, during this process, British, American, and Malaysian officials hoped to encourage a change in leadership in Jakarta and an eventual end to the conflict. Confrontation was an anti-colonial and a regional dispute greatly affected by the Cold War environment in Southeast Asia and, therefore, not immune from international events or actors, especially the final phase of the conflict.     

A Harmonious World and China＇s New Diplomacy

The concept of"a harmonious world,"a phrase used by the incumbent leadership of China to encapsulate China's diplomatic goals,has become a new guideline for China's diplomatic activities.By applying this concept, Chinese diplomacy has taken a new turn,pushing China into a new and powerful role in world affairs.China's diplomatic effort,however still faces numerous problems,challenges and risks,requiring the Chinese leadership to refine the concept of"harmonious world"through creative thinking and application.     

High and Low Tide: Sino–American Relations and Summit Diplomacy in the Second World War

Studies of Chinese involvement in Allied relations during the Second World War tend to focus on the Cairo Conference of November 1943 and see it as the high point for China’s wartime diplomacy. This analysis argues that the Moscow Foreign Ministers’ Conference, held just prior to Cairo in late October–early November, was more important for the achievement of China’s longer-term interests. The participation at Moscow of Cordell Hull, the American secretary of state, was unique as the State Department was absent from almost all the Allied wartime summits. President Franklin Roosevelt liked to conduct his diplomacy personally. In Moscow, however, Hull represented the United States, and his patience and persistence led to the inclusion of China in the Four Nation Declaration that resulted from the meeting. That, in turn, meant that China was eventually included as a permanent member of the eventual United Nations Security Council and seen as a post-war Great Power. It was a more significant outcome than those resulting from the Cairo Conference.     

“A Slight but Salutary Case of the Jitters”: The Kennedy Administration and the Alliance for Progress in Paraguay

In its Cold War struggle against communism in Latin America, the John F. Kennedy Administration faced a dilemma. How could it maintain the support of anticommunist yet authoritarian regimes whilst concurrently promoting the political liberalisation of those regimes, as Kennedy's core policy toward Latin America—the Alliance for Progress—seemingly mandated? In Paraguay, the Stroessner regime provided Kennedy officials with a clear test of its ability to craft a policy that appropriately balanced both considerations. This case study explores how bureaucratic politics decisively shaped the implementation of that policy, ultimately leading to a continuation in the broader pattern of maintaining support for authoritarian regimes that embraced US leadership in the Cold War.     

The Eisenhower Administration and Public Diplomacy in India: An Ambivalent Engagement, 1953–1960

The United States–India relationship was fraught with misapprehension and ideological disagreement during the 1950s. Public diplomacy provides a valuable context for examining these dynamics. This analysis assesses the planning, deployment, and reception of American public diplomacy to India under President Dwight Eisenhower, a period encompassing Washington’s 1954 alliance with Pakistan and economic aid to India in 1957–1958. Public diplomacy reflects the Administration’s difficulty in clarifying its interests in India. The rhetorical and moralising approach of India’s leadership, and their prominence in the global non-aligned movement, contributed greatly to this ambivalence. Public diplomacy planning highlights Washington’s difficulties in confronting India’s identity in world politics; it struggled to craft messages on racial attitudes, consumerism, and Communism, whilst Soviet public diplomacy gave strong competition throughout the period. At the same time, several aspects of American public diplomacy resonated with Indian audiences, indicating that there was the possibility of a closer American relationship with India had Washington taken a different high policy approach to the region.     

A Brief Review of Current International Situation and China＇s Diplomacy

The current international situation is volatile and highly complicated with abrupt changes. Various contradictions develop successively, and different challenges present them- selves one after another.     

A Comparative Analysis of Abe＇s and Fukuda＇s Asia Diplomacy

As Abe was replaced by Fukuda, Japan＇s domestic and foreign policies were also amended. Abe＇s ＂proactive diplomacy＂ has been replaced by Fukuda＇s ＂synergy diplomacy＂ which emphasizes strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance and Japan＇s ties with Asia. Abe＇s diplomacy toward Asia was characterized by ＂value oriented diplomacy＂, whereas Fukuda seeks to carry out ＂active diplomacy toward Asia＂ after his cabinet was formed. The changes in foreign policy of the Abe and Fukuda cabinets show that Japan＇s nationalist foreign policy is evolving in twists and turns from being radical to being more rational against the backdrop of domestic and international political reality. To explore this change and its causes is conducive to the better understanding of some features of Japan＇s diplomacy toward Asia.     

“A Genuine and Energetic League of Nations Policy”: Lord Curzon and the New Diplomacy, 1918–1925

At the end of April 1922, S.P. Waterlow of the Central Department of the Foreign Office, which dealt with Franco–German relations and European security, put up a memorandum. This claimed: “Except on paper and as an expedient for minor purposes or an escape for some dilemma, we have not taken the League [of Nations] seriously.” It contrasted London's indifference with the active use which Paris was making of the League, asserted that “the objects of British policy and those of the League are broadly speaking identical,” and urged: “let us institute a genuine and energetic League of Nations policy.” This recommendation was strongly endorsed by the Assistant Under-Secretary, Sir William Tyrrell, who believed that such a policy would secure almost universal popular support for co-operation with France, and he proposed making a joint declaration that for the purpose of maintaining the frontiers created by the Treaty of Versailles: “the two countries would place at the disposal of the League all their resources for the enforcement of its decisions.” ¹ 1. Waterlow memorandum, 28 April, Tyrrell minute, 29 April 1922, both FO 371/7567/6200/6200/18 [Foreign Office Archives, The National Archives, Kew, England}.      

EU Diplomacy and the EU–China strategic relationship: framing,negotiation and management

This article focuses on the development of the EU’s strategic relationship with China, by exploring the balance amongst three key mechanisms mobilized by the EU: framing, negotiation and management. The article outlines these issues in general, relating them to relevant conceptual and theoretical concerns, and then applies them to the EU–China strategic relationship. Through an examination of the framing ideas embodied in key documents, the development of an EU–China “negotiated order”, and the management of cooperation and competition in sectoral and institutional contexts, the article identifies a number of key tensions and requirements for effective coordination, which affect the potential development of an effective EU strategy.     

The Rise of Middle Power and China＇ s New Focus in Diplomacy

The emergence of well-positioned middle powers is a profound impetus for change within the intemational arena of structure rearrangement, issues replacement, and values reconstruction. In particular, India, Brazil, Turkey and South Africa are middle powers that rose together during the global financial crisis to become a compelling force, each transitioning to active participant rather than follower.＇ As a result, Chinese diplomatic personnel are in a unique position to capitalize on their newly transformed political and economic influence.     

Libya: Teetering Between War and Diplomacy The Islamic State’s Role in Libya’s Disintegration

This analysis explores post-Qaddafi Libya as it becomes a failed state, alongside international efforts to mend its internal rifts and restore an effective government and thereby halt its national disintegration. Attaining a modus vivendi amongst the internal rival political and military actors looks to enable a war effort to loosen the grasp of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, which infiltrated Libya’s Mediterranean coast in 2014 and gained a strategic foothold in the heart of Libya and nearby its oil ports – Libya’s economic lifeline. An internal agreement looks to rebuild the state security system that can confront the continuing tribal, ethnic, Salafi-jihadistic, and criminal militarisation of Libya, which also contributes to its bloody chaos. This exegesis focuses on the brief but challenging period of 2014-2016 in terms of the threats to Libya’s governmental and territorial integrity, outlining the principal junctures and actors.     

Is Bigger Better? Activity and Success in Negotiations in the United Nations General Assembly

Theorists often claim that being bigger than one's counterparts offers advantages in multilateral negotiations. In this article, I examine that argument using data from negotiations in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The article analyzes and compares the activity levels of smaller and larger states in international negotiations, and sheds light on the conditions under which the latter “punch below their weight.” My analysis indicates that size directly affects participation, but not success rates. Bigger states can better formulate national positions on a broad range of issues, enabling their diplomats to more actively participate in negotiations, while smaller states are absent more often. Activity is conducive to success, which helps bigger states. But not every negotiation strategy is equally effective. In the UNGA's one‐state, one‐vote context, bigger states are not able to systematically exert disproportionate influence despite their often superior financial resources and bargaining strategies.     

Annual CIIS-CFIS Conference on International Situation and China＇s Diplomacy Held in Beijing

Editor＇s note： On December 11, 2013, the international conference on the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Context of Economic Globalization was hostedby the China Institute of International Studies （CIIS） in Beijing. About 60 participants, including experts from China, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, officials from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization （SCO） secretariat,     

Annual CIIS-CFIS Conference on International Situation and China’s Diplomacy Held in Beijing

<正>On December 24-25,2014,China Institute of International Studies and China Foundation for International Studies co-sponsored the annual conference onThe International Situation and China's Diplomacy 2014in Beijing.Foreign Minister Wang Yi attended the opening ceremony and made a keynote speech entitled2014in Review:A Successful Year for China's Diplomacy.More than 200participants attended the event.     

Annual CIIS-CFIS Conference on International Situation and China’s Diplomacy Held in Beijing

<正>On 24-25 November 2012, the Annual CIIS-CFIS Conference on International Situation and China's Diplomacy was held in Beijing. Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi and Assistant Foreign Minister Le Yucheng attended the opening and closing     

Machiavelli’s Science of Statecraft: The Diplomacy and Politics of Disorder

This paper calls into question the extent to which ethical dualism, broadly conceived as raison d’ état, does justice to Machiavelli’s understanding and practice of the diplomatic arts. Arguments are advanced herein that Machiavelli did not so much abandon morality as he sought, through the examples of Rome and antiquity, to find a different remedy for the disorder and violence rampant in the Italy of his day. Machiavelli’s reports in the diplomatic service of Florence illustrate qualities and skills of the diplomat often at odds with the caricature of the immoral statesman.     

Diplomacy,terrorism, and national narratives in the United States–Iran relationship

The United States and Iran have failed repeatedly in the last thirty years to normalise diplomatic relations. Each attempt to open a dialogue has been set back by acts of terrorism or perceptions thereof, and the small openings for diplomacy were quickly shut. The difficulties of normal diplomacy should be understood in light of the national narratives that guide each country's international behaviour, narratives that include strong admonitions on terrorism and sow distrust. One method to overcome the obstacles thrown up by these national narratives is to explore their dynamics and attempt to write a new, common narrative.