东亚国际社会建构与中国外交战略选择——以英国学派国际社会理论为视角

以中国为中心的传统东亚国际社会解体以来,东亚地区并未完成具有主体性意义的现代东亚国际社会建构。地区性国际机制繁多却缺乏整合,虽在功能性机制建设方面取得了一定成就,但在共同意识建设方面却无明显进展。此外,各方对于建构过程中的主导权问题也存在争议。然而东亚国际社会的形成有助于维持地区稳定与促进区域内合作,推动东亚国际社会建构符合中国的国家利益,中国有必要基于地区共同利益从功能与意识层面开展外交活动。     

当前国际格局的演变和我国外交工作

国际金融危机导致国际格局深刻演变。世界多极化和经济全球化强劲发展,国际力量均衡化、国际秩序合理化趋势深入推进,国际思想领域进入深刻反思期和活跃建构期。但世界力量格局北强南弱的局面仍将长期存在,多极化发展仍然是一个长期曲折过程。我国在十一五时期外交大有作为,加速进入世界舞台的显著位置。十二五时期恰逢世界进入后危机时代,我国面临的历史机遇和严峻挑战并存,机遇仍大于挑战。外交工作宜牢牢抓住为发展服务的主线,为我国经济社会长期平稳、较快发展创造有利的外部条件,实现在新时期的新发展、新跨越。     

外交保护国际制度的发展及演变

海外利益的保护,是一国国家安全的重要组成部分,对国际关系和国际法的发展和走向也产生了重要影响,联合国国际法委员会编纂的<外交保护条款草案>,是外交保护国际制度的主要表现形式,也是我国对海外利益进行保护的主要国际法依据:本文以此为视角,探讨和分析了外交保护国际制度的发展及演变的具体内容,以期服务于我国的外交保护理论和实践.     

The making of a diplomat: the case of the French Diplomatic and Consular Institute as an identity workspace

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the creation of the Diplomatic and Consular Institute by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and conceptualises this new professional school of diplomacy as an “identity workspace” following the analysis of a cohort’s learning experience. This article aims to spark a debate from a practice perspective on diplomatic training as offered by Ministries of Foreign Affairs in Europe.     

国际烟草控制机制与公共健康规范在中国的扩散

国际烟草控制机制是世界卫生组织在重视公共健康价值的基础上构建与发展的,其中公共健康规范占据了国际烟草控制机制的主导地位.而<烟草控制框架公约>作为世界卫生组织第一个旨在限制全球烟草和烟草制品的国际机制,对世界范围内烟草控制的各方面进行了明确的规定, 内容具有广泛性和全面性.中国作为<烟草控制框架公约>的签约国之一,虽与<烟草控制框架公约>的要求还存在一定的差距,但随着社会的发展以及负责任的大国态度的确立,中国在控烟问题上正向世界靠拢,公共健康规范在中国趋向深层扩散.     

Reputational Concerns and the Emergence of Oil Sector Transparency as an International Norm

This study argues that the reputational concerns of several high-profile actors drove the emergence of oil sector transparency as an international norm. Thanks to successful advocacy campaigns, developing country oil sector operations began to pose increasing levels of reputational risk to Western governments, international institutions, and corporations. These actors responded to this scrutiny by facilitating the evolution of transparency into a widely cited oil sector "best practice." However, the self-interests of these actors also altered the course of the norm's definition and institutionalization in ways which may constrain its eventual impact on industry behaviors. This study narrates the surprising and rapid spread of the transparency norm in developing country oil affairs, a process which suggests that reputational utility should be considered as a possible explanation for norm emergence.     

The Uses and Limits of the Model United Nations in an International Relations Classroom

The Model United Nations, already a mainstay of many undergraduate institutions, not only provides a useful framework for particular classes, but also offers an opportunity to integrate several elements of an undergraduate international studies curriculum. However, it is not without challenges for the instructor. To use the Model United Nations format effectively requires the instructor to plan carefully, coordinate activities with the other elements of a class, and never allow the game to overwhelm the learning. When done correctly, the excitement generated by the Model United Nations can be a key for opening the world to students who might otherwise have drifted through the mandatory introduction to international relations. The process of student teaching student, both within and across courses, is beneficial for the experienced student and the novice alike, encouraging peer interaction and cooperative learning. As an instructional device, the Model UN is not a panacea, but a valuable supplement to more conventional teaching methods.     

Trump and the End of an Era? The Liberal International Order in Perspective

ABSTRACT

The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term.     

The Common Security and Defence Policy as an act of American hegemony

Abstract

The financial crisis endangers the security of NATO's members and partners. As such, NATO has a formal obligation to mobilize its resources to aid members in overcoming current economic challenges. NATO can play a valuable role on three levels. First, NATO can aid members in rationalizing their military procurement and manpower systems, thus reducing the fiscal burden of maintaining adequate defenses. Second, NATO can press the ECB and the EU to modify arrangements governing the Euro so as to minimize the risk that EMU will collapse. Finally, NATO has a “soft power” role in vigorously defending the liberal economic order and democratic political institutions of the Western Alliance from the ideological attacks that inevitably follow financial crises.     

中印参与WTO的比较分析

成立于1947年的关税与贸易总协定(Gener-al Agreementon Tariffs and Trade,下面简称GATT)是世界贸易组织(World Trade Organiza-tion,下面简称WTO)的前身。关税与贸易总协定是于1948年1月1日起正式生效的临时协定,设立