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In 1920 the British government of Palestine sent six officers to establish a British presence in Transjordan. Lacking military and financial support, they could not possibly control a country populated by more than 200,000 tribespeople, many of them members of powerful tribal confederacies. The key to explaining why the British chose this unorthodox way to takeover a new territory lies in the special attitude towards Arabia entertained by the British following World War One. British policy derived from an alleged cultural affinity between the British and the ‘Bedouin’, coupled with a colonial tradition of attributing British administrators with a ‘natural’ ability to rule over natives. These two myths gave the British an inflated belief in their ability to rule local society. Drawing on official reports, private papers and local accounts, this article shows that the British grossly misunderstood local conditions and could not deal with the tribal communities that frustrated their attempt to assert British influence.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(6):859-879
The purpose of the present article is to examine the system of Shī‘ite religious instruction in the Zaynabiyya awza in Damascus. As background we discuss the historical development which brought about the establishment of Shī‘ite awzas and the evolution of Shī‘ism in Syria. We analyze the reasons for the founding of the Zaynabiyya awza in Damascus, the causes of its great success, conditions for acceptance to the awza, the number of students, classrooms, teaching methods, the schedule, the language of instruction, official vacations and breaks, sources of financial support, stages of instruction and the curriculum of each stage, projects associated with the awza, the administrative building, the services it provides for its students, the awza's prospects for the future, its political role, and the Zaynabiyya awza's distinctive features in comparison to other Shī‘ite institutions of the same kind.  相似文献   

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This study examines the Shī‘itisation of the futuwwa tradition from the eleventh century to the early sixteenth century, with a special reference to fifteenth-century events. Available scholarship has a rather generalised view on the sectarian orientation of the futuwwa, locating it within the Sunni fold, though having a slightly Shī‘ite tinge. This view has a tendency to underestimate changes in the religious stand of the futuwwa through the ages. Likewise, it devalues the evident Shī‘ite content of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century futuwwat-nāmas, regarding them as a temporary divergence due to Safavid propaganda. This article challenges two premises of this established view, arguing that the religious history of futuwwa was by no means static and linear but shows a rupture, i.e. Shī‘itisation, in the fifteenth century; and, in contrast to the consensus of the available scholarship, this Shī‘itisation was not a result of Safavid propaganda, but of a greater ‘universal’ transition taking place in fifteenth-century Islamdom.  相似文献   

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The rise of leftist governments in the Americas and the adoption of policy initiatives contrary to U.S. interests highlight a disconnect in interamerican relations, which cannot be understood simply as U.S. "neglect" of Latin America. In contrast to arguments that attribute the deteriorating relations to U.S. preoccupation with the Middle East, the article examines whether the "War on Terror" acted as a guiding paradigm for the George W. Bush administration in Latin America. Opposition to this "War on Terror" paradigm was evident following Colombia's 2008 air strike in Ecuador. Justified as a preemptive strike against a terrorist threat, Colombia's action met regional condemnation. The article argues that this Colombia-Latin America division reflects a larger geostrategic disconnect, whereby the "War on Terror" is challenged, causing the increasing marginalization of Washington and resistance to U.S. policy.  相似文献   

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?ilyat al-awliyā’ wa-?abaqāt al-a?fiyā’ by Abu Nu?aym al-Isfahani (d. 430/1038) is a remarkable and timeless manual of instructions conveyed to us through eminent figures of Islam, who have been known for their piety, asceticism and great learning. With its 689 entries, this biographical encyclopaedia covers a time span of almost 400 years; from the time of the Prophet until the fifth/eleventh century. The author’s intention is to present elements of Sufi thought and practice in complete compatibility with Muslim orthodoxy in an attempt to vindicate Sufism in the eyes of its opponents. This article is mainly a study of the apologetic nature of Sufi biographical tradition with focus on the ?ilya as representative material. Owing to its large scope, only an extract covering nine biographies has been selected for the purpose of this study.  相似文献   

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The present article aims to uncover the different meanings attached to land ownership in Palestine during the late Ottoman and British Mandate eras and to show how a ‘modern’ understanding of ownership was imposed on the local population, particularly the fellahin (peasants), without a consideration of their needs and traditions. Many widespread claims are challenged, first and foremost the one according to which, at the time of the partition of Palestine (1947), ‘over 70 percent’ of it did not ‘legally’ belong to the local Arab majority, but to the British Mandate power, an assumption that has had political, cultural and social ramifications that have lasted until the present day.  相似文献   

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This paper begins by examining the cultural practices of the large workers' leisure organisations associated with German Social Democracy and asks whether these merely reproduced 'high' or 'bourgeois' culture or whether they contributed to a distinct cultural identity for their members. It concludes that, although much of the culture of these organisations was borrowed, it was not necessarily understood in the same way by workers as by middle-class Germans. Moreover these organisations remained separate from those of the German bourgeoisie and possessed distinctive core values, in particular that of solidarity. This difference was reinforced by the housing conditions of German workers, which obviated the possibility of a privatised and domestic leisure. However, this 'labour movement culture' had to compete both with other organised working-class cultures (of Catholics, Poles and workers in company clubs), with a 'culture of poverty' on the part of those in irregular employment and on low incomes, and with an increasingly commercial leisure industry. This 'labour movement' culture was also predominantly male.  相似文献   

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Dr. Eqbal Ahmad’s intellectual stature and moral courage have become almost legendary. At a considerable personal risk he, together with his late brother, was among the first ones to denounce Yahya Khan’s brutal suppression in Bangladesh. In several ways he has emerged as a man of all nations and whatever he says and writes carries weight among concerned people. It should be realized that these Notes were written when the author was under great pressure having to face the gruelling Harrisburg trial and one would hope that had he had more time to edit them some of the statements would have been omitted. But since they are made and are in print I am moved to offer comments on the Notes.  相似文献   

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This article deals with the political thought of Mi?elis Valters (1874–1968), whose early writings are considered to contain the first clearly articulated argument for independent and democratic Latvia. Until now, Valters's writings haven′t been analyzed in their own historical and intellectual context, being subjected to Marxist and nationalist ‘proleptic mythologies’ instead. However, such an analysis provides us with important insights about the intellectual origins of Latvian political nationalism. Valters's early argument for independent Latvia derives much from the legacy of Russian narodnichestvo and from German liberal legal theory, rather than from Austro-Marxism, as suggested by previous commentators.  相似文献   

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This article explores Taiwan’s worker activism in the early postwar era (1945–55) in the attempt to revise the received perception of labour quiescence under high authoritarianism. Rather than a passive victim of state repression, workers mounted two rounds of resistance, first in the form of factory-defending worker-militias during the February 28 Incident of 1947 and later in the subsequent clandestine communist movement. With the case of sugar industry workers, it is argued the postwar ethnic domination was the triggering factor for worker resistance, which was severely repressed. Their consecutive failures as well as the lure of the privileged status of state-owned enterprise employees eventually persuaded them to accept a subordinate role.  相似文献   

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