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ABSTRACT

UNHCR's current #IBelong campaign presents stateless people as uniquely excluded, emphasizing the need for legal solutions to their situation. Such approaches to statelessness sidestep both the complexities of lived experience and the wider politics of state recognition. In response, this article utilizes ethnographic data from Sabah, Malaysia, and theorizations of the gray areas between citizenship and statelessness to argue for the fundamental connection between statelessness and irregularity. Such a connection is central to understanding both the everyday lives of potentially stateless people and Sabah's public discourse on statelessness as a mirage obscuring the problems of “illegals” and “street children.”  相似文献   

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This article discusses empirical findings on issues affecting women's effective participation in politics and the public sector of Ghana. It argues that women's involvement in public life and politics has steadily declined contrary to hopeful reportage that global empowerment campaigns have increased women's political participation across Africa. The article suggests that given the deep-rooted socio-cultural hindrances women face, affirmative action policies need to be revisited to complement women's agency in contesting for, winning, and participating in politics and public service more effectively.  相似文献   

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The 1997 Asian financial crisis and subsequent impact on Vietnam's economy reignited a decade-old internal debate over economic reforms (doi moi). Heralded by many as a success story, the pace of doi moi was the cause of sharp conflicts within the ruling party as the IMF prescribed speeding up the process. At first glance it seemed that neo-liberalism was triumphant. However, this article argues that we need to take a closer look at the content and meaning of 'reform' in the Vietnamese context. Neo-liberal reforms were modified to ensure they consolidated rather than unravelled the authority of the Vietnamese state and to accommodate the new hybrids of state-business alliances.  相似文献   

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This paper develops the theme that the ongoing political polarization and political crisis in Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan in 1971 reflect the fundamental weaknesses of the pillars of Bangladeshi society and national identity. The paper adopts an historical approach to explain why and how Muslim nationalism, which was the basis for the establishment of Pakistan, has re-emerged in contemporary Bangladeshi society and politics and is competing against Bengali ethnicity, language, culture and secularism (‘Bengali nationalism’) within an emerging ‘two-party’ political system. However, instead of establishing a stable political system following the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy, the Bangladeshi society/polity has been polarized and divided almost vertically on the question of national identity and political philosophy and created sustained political instability and uncertainty. This has stifled the formation and consolidation of a national identity based on ethnicity/language/culture or religion/territory/political history or that have elements of both. Neither ethnicity/language/culture/secularism-based nationalism (Bengali nationalism) nor predominantly Muslim-territorial nationalism (‘Bangladeshi nationalism’) alone can dominate and flourish in Bangladeshi society and polity; instead, the objective conditions in the country dictate that a competitive democratic system of politics which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and Islamic ethical–moral codes remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country's multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

It is common knowledge in Ghana that during political transitions, programs set in previous Medium Term Development Plans (MTDP) by prior governments are abandoned without regard for their wider national implications. While the economic impacts of these political transitions have been researched, till date no known studies have taken a holistic look at the relation between political transition and the level of MTDP target achievement. This article attempts to fill this research gap using Ghana as a case and the policy learning and political business cycle literatures as organizing frames. Using annual MTDP data and semi-structured interviews with 25 officials who were involved in the implementation of MDTPs at the national and local government levels, this article finds that aberrations in target achievements across the entire period between 2001 and 2016 were the result of financial constraints and the pressures to adjust to political change.  相似文献   

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Since 1957, various Ghanaian governments have made, and continue to make, attempts to reform the administrative state for development. In spite of this, not much seems to have been achieved over the years. Why has the passion of successive governments for reforming the administrative system failed to yield the desired outcomes? What is the nexus between regime turnover and frequent administrative reforms? Where do we want to go, and what will take us there or at least close to our intended destination? What approach is likely to maximize the chances of success and minimize those of failure? We argue that administrative reforms in Ghana have been consistently undermined by the discontinuity of reform initiatives undertaken by successive governments; the inability to have a “national agenda for development”; continuous reliance on expatriates as consultants and advisers; over-reliance on multinational institutions for financial support; and by the absence of a “developmental state.”  相似文献   

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What is the impact of colonialism on public goods provision? This article examines India, once the world’s largest colony. While recent studies of the Indian case are divided, they overwhelmingly rely on econometric approaches. This article uses qualitative evidence to provide an important complementary perspective. Using controlled comparisons of the princely state of Travancore with the neighbouring provinces of Malabar and Tirunelveli, I find that colonialism generated less social welfare because British officials empowered landlords. Notably, this occurred despite Malabar and Tirunelveli instituting ryotwari (cultivator-based) land tenure. British rule in India may have promoted landlordism irrespective of land tenure policy.  相似文献   

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In the United States (U.S.) military, race and/or ethnicity serve as identifiable factors in recruitment, promotion, and retention patterns. African Americans are overrepresented especially in the Army and within the enlisted corps relative to their proportion within the civilian population. And while Hispanics constitute the fastest growing segment of the workforce as well as in society, they are underrepresented in the military.

This study confirms the disparity of underrepresented minorities within the officer corps. It explored the recruiting and retention challenges with certain groups, the role of race and/or ethnicity, and what the U.S. military can do to attract underrepresented groups to its officer corps. As part of the discourse, the author also draws from similar experiences of militaries within the international community.  相似文献   

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