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1.
中国加入WTO不仅对东南亚而且对世界经济都有着重要的影响.中国加入WTO对东南亚地区的贸易与投资产生的影响取决于以下三个因素:第一,东南亚各国与中国的经济结构和贸易能力;第二,中国政府经济改革及融入世界经济的愿望;第三,中国在WTO中的地位.  相似文献   

2.
中国-东盟自由贸易区投资规则的构建建议   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当今世界有两大潮流,一是经济全球化,一是区域经济一体化.中国加入WTO是应对经济全球化的必要举措.多边经济合作的突破口应定位于区域合作①.所以中国在加入WTO的同时,又积极组建中国-东盟自由贸易区(以下简称CAFTA).通过区域制度这种机制,促使11国政府间更好地合作.  相似文献   

3.
美国主流媒体涉华报道分析   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
张健 《国际观察》2007,(1):51-56
本文借助外报、外刊的第一手资料,以美国主流媒体涉华报道为切入点,针对美国媒体上的中国形象,着重分析了美国媒体涉华报道的诸多特点.文章认为,仅就报道角度而言,美国主流媒体往往处于一种负面或消极的定势.美国媒体的涉华报道既折射出中国在国际舞台上的形象,又为中国政府的对外关系决策提供参照.在中国日益走向开放和加快加入经济全球化进程的新世纪,这种参照显得尤为重要.  相似文献   

4.
构建上海合作组织自由贸易区的战略思考   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
上海合作组织是中国与周边国家开展区域经济合作的重要选择之一,构建上海合作组织自由贸易区是中国政府率先提出的倡议,并一直在积极推动.本文拟在经济全球化和区域化的背景下,结合中国和中亚各国开展经贸合作的情况,对建立上海合作组织自由贸易区的历史必然性和现实合理性进行分析,提出建立上海合作组织自由贸易区的原则和策略.  相似文献   

5.
1904年中国政府首次正式参加世博 1904年美国圣路易斯博览会是首次由中国人自行组团参加的世博会。中国政府抛开海关,派溥伦贝子成立专职委员会,花费12万美元修建了中国馆,也是历史上首次中国官员率领商民一并参加的世博会。国外媒体说:“中国政府正式登上世博会舞台的开端”。  相似文献   

6.
全球化对中国的影响是巨大的, 它改变了中国人的经济、政治生活和精神文化生活, 加快了中国社 会精神文化的发展。全球化在促进中国公民社会的形成和壮大时, 也推动中国社会民主政治文化的发展, 提升了 中国社会道德水平和道德风貌, 培育了中国公民的自主精神和文化素质。近年来中国政府在社会主义精神文化建 设方面采取了有效措施:加强道德教育, 培育健全的道德文化;加强公务员的培训和廉政教育, 推广廉政文化;加强 网络文化建设和管理, 发挥互联网在社会主义文化建设中的重要作用, 促进全民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素 质的提高;加强与世界各国的合作, 传播中华文化  相似文献   

7.
CAFTA框架下中国—东盟相互投资的特征分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2002年11月4日,中国与东盟10国的领导人在金边共同签署了《中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议》,这标志着中国-东盟自贸区进程的正式启动。此后,在双方的共同努力之下,中国与东盟分别于2004年11月和2007年1月正式签署了《货物贸易协议》和《服务贸易协议》,目前双方已经完成了《投资协议》谈判工作,并有望在年内签署正式协议。2009年4月,中国政府决定设立总规模为100亿美元的“中国一东盟投资合作基金”,  相似文献   

8.
WTO已演变为监督国际贸易的主要实体 ,中国通过 15年努力即将成为该组织的正式成员国。中国入世后 ,WTO才是完整的 ,也有利于中国经济的进一步发展 ,更使发展中国家有了代言人。 1994年 12月 30日 ,印度成为WTO创始国成员 ,促进了印度经济的进一步自由化。在中印经济发展的影响下 ,尼泊尔对外贸易也有了快速的发展 ,正积极申请成为WTO的成员。  相似文献   

9.
1999年 11月 15日 ,中美两国就中国加入WTO达成协议 ,使中国在加入WTO的进程中迈出了关键一步。中国目前已基本完成加入WTO的有关程序 ,将于 2 0 0 1年内加入WTO ,成为世贸组织的成员国。加入WTO ,既是中国经济全面融入国际经济体系的过程 ,也是中国金融业全面对外开放的过程 ,对中国的金融业特别是银行业的发展具有十分重要的意义。中国银行业在面临发展机遇的同时 ,近期内也将面临严峻的挑战。因此 ,必须制定积极而有效的应对策略 ,通过制度和业务创新 ,改善中资银行的经营、制度和用人环境 ,提升中资银行的竞争力。  相似文献   

10.
一、中国-东盟经济合作的必然性 自从2001年12月中国成功加入WTO后,中国以国际大家庭成员的身份进入国际大市场,在世界经济大舞台上,在竞争中求生存、求发展.在经济全球化的今天,任何一个国家都不可能脱离世界经济的发展,关起门来搞建设,只有更加广泛深入地融入经济全球化的浪潮中去,充分利用国际资源和世界市场,充分发挥本国的比较优势,增强自身的国际竞争力,一个国家的经济才能得到持续、快速发展.成为WTO成员后,中国必须加快对外开放的进程,加大对外开放的力度,除了加强与美、日、欧盟等国家和地区的经贸合作外,很重要的一点是要加强与周边国家和地区的经贸合作.因此,中国-东盟经贸合作成为必然的选择.  相似文献   

11.
The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.  相似文献   

12.
国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。  相似文献   

13.
In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.  相似文献   

14.
从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一 对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3~ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…  相似文献   

15.
Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.  相似文献   

16.
美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。  相似文献   

17.
This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.  相似文献   

18.
The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style "financial capitalism." Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests (such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference), along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.  相似文献   

19.
This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.  相似文献   

20.
人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。  相似文献   

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