论行政法律关系第三人

从行政法亦应关注公民权利这一角度出发,提出行政第三人的概念,并从时代背景、法学基础理论、行政法基础理论、民法保护的局限性四个方面入手,论证了我国行政第三人权利保护的必要性和可能性,最后具体论述了行政第三人权利保护的途径。     

Second Thoughts on Europe's "Third Level": The European Union's Committee of the Regions

The Maastricht Treaty provided for a consultative Committeeof the Regions to bring the European Union's "third level" intothe deliberation of legislation. It began to operate in early1994. This article assesses its creation and recent activityagainst the expectations and demands that were expressed atthe outset, looking in turn at the representative, advisory,and symbolic functions the new body can perform. What emergesis a largely symbolic body that suffers from entrenched internaldivisions and functional overreach in the absence of any realinfluence on the Union's policymaking process. The danger isa downward spiral of progressive obscurity and the frustrationof its members' aspirations.     

铁路公安二级刑事技术网络建设之我见

铁路公安二级刑事技术网络是指由分布在基层派出所的技术点承担一般案件现场的勘查取证及重大案件、事故现场的现场保护和前期处置,由技术科负责重大案件、事故现场勘查及检验鉴定工作的刑事技术网络。铁路刑事技术队伍建设必须从加强基层所队技术点的网络建设着手,包括技术点的建立、现场勘查设备的配备、技术员的培训等。加强铁路刑事技术网络建设,对提升铁路公安机关与刑事犯罪的斗争能力具有十分重要的意义。     

我国转型时期第三部门的公共政策参与

我国目前正处于一个由传统社会向现代社会整体转型时期,在这一时期,第三部门作为公民社会的载体,正逐步成长。同时,转型时期的社会结构和利益格局的变化加剧了矛盾与冲突,也对公共政策形成了多方面的压力。随着我国民主政治的不断完善,公民通过第三部门参与公共政策过程,可以实现建立广泛而有理性的政治参与机制,保证政策信息的充分性,为公共政策执行提供有力的保障并为政策调整提供重要的依据等。目前,我国第三部门公共政策参与不足的现状可以通过政府观念的转变、第三部门自身参与能力的提升、健全立法和完善参与制度安排等来实现。     

新形势下党的建设面临的十大挑战

新世纪新阶段,世情、国情、党情发生了深刻变化,对党的建设提出了十大挑战。经济全球化的深入发展要求党培养全球眼光,提高统筹国内国际两个大局的能力;腐败的跨国化,使反腐倡廉建设面临着新情况;新一轮的自由化思潮和歪曲党的历史的虚无主义之风对党的政治路线和执政地位提出了重大挑战;社会阶层的分化对党整合各阶层利益提出了更高要求;公民社会的发展,给党的执政方式带来了新挑战;网络化、信息化的快速发展要求党的建设开拓新思路;党员队伍的不断壮大,对提高党员质量提出了新要求;党员流动性的增加使党的组织建设和思想建设面临着新挑战;非公企业主党员积极参与政治活动给党的干部队伍建设提出了新课题;反腐败斗争呈现出一些新特点,面临着更加严峻的形势和挑战。对此,必须深入把握这些新变化新挑战,不断提高党的建设的科学化水平,使党永远立于不败之地。     

The Face of the State

From a liberal perspective, policies designed to permit the participation of minorities in national institutions while retaining their cultural particularities are justified either on the grounds that culture has a particular importance or on the basis of equal treatment of individuals. This paper argues that such policies, while not without benefits, have at least the potential to compromise the perceived neutrality of an important state institution. It focuses on the Canadian decision to permit the use of religious symbols as part of the uniform of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Advocates of such policies focus only on their benefits and ignore the potential difficulties; the paper argues that a more balanced assessment is required, one which weights advantages and disadvantages.     

Australian Antecedents of the Third Way

New Labour theorists have been prone to identify American New Progressivism as the proximate source of 'third way' ideas. In this article we argue that, if the focus is on the governing practice rather than on the naming of a governing orientation, a case can be made for seeing Australian Labor in government from 1983 to 1996 as a progenitor of third way thinking and as a specific source of New Labour policy development in a number of areas. Taking Stuart White's account of the main dimensions of third way programmatic realignment as our guide, we discuss the success of the Hawke/Keating Labor governments in reducing the direct provider role of state, developing new forms of collective provision, reforming the tax system, making social policy more employment-friendly and creating the institutions of an asset-based egalitarianism. We conclude by pointing out that, whilst there are many common themes in Australian Labor practice and New Labor rhetoric, and some evidence of specific policy transfer from one to the other, a plausible case can also be made for seeing many of the policy initiatives of the Hawke/Keating era as a reworking of an older Australian Labor tradition of regulatory state activism.     

The Politics of the Third Person

Abstract

Against the enthusiasm for dialogue and deliberation in recent democratic theory, the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito and French philosopher Jacques Rancière construct their political philosophies around the nondialogical figure of the third person. The strikingly different deployments of the figure of the third person offered by Esposito and Rancière present a crystallization of their respective approaches to political philosophy. In this essay, the divergent analyses of the third person offered by these two thinkers are considered in terms of the critical strategies they employ. Contrasting Esposito’s strategy of “ethical dissensus” with Rancière’s strategy of “aesthetic dissensus,” it is argued that Esposito’s attempts to recruit the figure of the third person to dismantle the dispositif of the person are politically (if not philosophically) problematic, while Rancière’s alternative account of the third person is more promising for political theory and practice.     

Referendums in the Third World

Since the early 1960s many Third World countries have been attracted to referendums, with the earliest being held in Uruguay in 1917, Iraq in 1921 and Chile in 1925. Butler and Ranney(1978) identified referendums in Third World nations up to 1978, yet analysis of the political process and patterns of these referendums is lacking in the political science literature. It is the purpose of this paper to identify some of the patterns and processes common to African, Asian, Latin American and Middle Eastern referendums. The paper will examine briefly the Western democratic referendums, excluding the experience of Switzerland and Australia where referendums are an integral part of the constitutional and political process. Secondly, the general and regional Third World patterns will be examined. Thirdly, referendums in nine countries will be described; lastly, the paper will conclude with the identification of the common patterns and processes of Third World referendums. In this paper we are concerned with post- independence national level referendums; although, many referendums have been conducted on a subnational level and prior to independence.     

第三条道路内的理论分歧

第三条道路宣称它既不是旧式的国家社会主义,又不是自由市场的新自由主义,而是把新自由主义者所强调的经济效率和活力与传统左派所关注的平等与社会凝聚力结合起来,这颇似一幅完整的政策框架,但实际上其内部存在着重大的理论差异,甚至是完全不同的政治工程,既有代表现代社会民主的平等思想,又有现代托利主义左派"一个民族国家"的思想.因此,所谓的第三条道路实际上是一个多元性的政策框架,这种内在的多元性特点,既有助于左派建立广泛的政治联盟,孤立主张自由市场的右派,但由于其政治观点的模棱两可又容易疏远那些希望根据明确思想而采取行动的支持者,使人担心第三条道路的生命力.     

On `Home Grown-ness' in Politics: Evidence from the 1998 Election for Alabama's Third Congressional District

Faith and Tollison (1983) argue that since itis costly to `fire' a representative for poor performance,voters will rationally prefer local candidates withlongstanding ties to the district. Such candidates implicitlyput more specific human or other types of capital at risk as aKlein and Leffler (1981) type of performance bond than doother candidates with lesser ties to the district. Votersunderstand and appreciate the implied efficiency of castingtheir ballots in favor of someone who has a lot to loselocally from nonperformance as their representative. Usingprecinct-level data from the 1998 election for the thirdcongressional district in Alabama, we find compelling evidencein support of `home grown-ness' in politics.     

面向新世纪的创新:当代中国社会主义的理论跃迁--试论党的第二代领导集体向第三代领导集体过渡的理论拓展

党的第二代领导集体向第三代领导集体过渡的理论拓展 ,是一次创新的革命。党的两代领导集体的当代中国社会主义理论过渡 ,是一次以创新为标志的面向新世纪的理论跃迁 ,是一次深刻的理论生存形态的进化和科学的上升。     

论作为第三条道路的合作政府

作为公共行政危机的拯救者,新公共管理运动通过推行市场化、弹性化、分散化和企业化的治理模式以求达到政府管理的高效率.新公共服务在批评新公共管理片面追求效率而忽视民主价值的同时对新公共管理进行了价值上的修正.而合作政府的提出则是为了克服新公共管理运动所导致的"碎片化"组织的弊病,它通过寻求跨组织的联合、打破组织内部的界限、采取新的服务提供方式等使得政府能够真正对公共管理负责.无论是上述哪种理论都意味着现在官僚制乌托邦陷入危机,而新的范武仍然需要进一步的探索.     

新版《航海英语》评析

通过教学实践,归纳总结了新版《航海英语》教材的特点,论述了教材存在的缺陷,并且提出了对教材进行修订的建议。