俄罗斯刑事诉讼制度改革评述

俄罗斯刑事诉讼制度的形成有一个漫长的历史过程。 1991年独立以后 ,俄罗斯对原苏联的刑诉制度进行了较大的改革 ,改革的着重点主要集中在转变原来的刑诉理念和扩大被告人与辩护人的权利。但是 ,新的刑诉制度还需要在具体司法实践中进一步贯彻落实。     

俄罗斯改革住房制度

1991年以来,随着向市场经济的转型,俄罗斯对其住房制度也进行了重大改革。 (一)大力推动住房私有化。 在前苏联计划经济体制时期,俄一直实行福利性住房制度。公民住房的建设使用与维修保养,都由政府作为向公民提供的社会保障和福利包揽下来。苏联解体后,俄罗斯陆续通过或颁布的关于住房制度改革的法律、法令、政府决议和条例达50余项,内容涉及住房制度的各个方面,但最基本目标就是要     

俄罗斯政党制度及其改革

俄罗斯政党体制历经4个时期的演变,完成了由无序、混乱到有序、稳定的发展过程。然而,与西方国家传统的政党政治相比,俄罗斯的政党制度存在着明显缺陷:其一,政党的发育不足,缺乏有广泛群众基础的大党。其二,政党的地位和作用受到限制。其三,政党与政权相脱节。普京执政以来,俄罗斯议会中首次出现了起主导作用的“政权党”。为进一步巩固“政权党”的地位,实现政党与政权、政党利益与政权利益的真正结合,普京提出了一系列改革俄罗斯政党制度的措施,其核心内容是:政权可以利用行政手段,对威胁政权稳定的政党实行监督;在俄罗斯建立一个由几个大党组成的多党政体;在政权力量的作用下,促使“政权党”最终成为真正意义上的执政党。但是,普京政党制度改革的结果,一方面固然有利于加强“政权党”的作用与政权对政党的控制,但另一方面也对执政党和现政权的优势地位提出了新的挑战。     

关于俄罗斯制度移植的评析

来自俄罗斯的转型经验证明,以"移植资本主义"为转型路径的经济转轨,是俄罗斯过去10年经济危机和衰退的根源之一.普京时期,俄罗斯推行适合其国情的转型策略并加强国家治理,为俄罗斯实现正式制度与非正式制度的有效叠合开创了一条新路,这是俄罗斯实现经济增长和社会稳定的一个重要原因.本文试图探讨"移植的资本主义"如何将正式制度嵌入剧变后的俄罗斯,俄罗斯与国际学术界关于俄"移植的资本主义"的讨论,从而阐述普京时期俄罗斯制度演进的路径、正式制度与非正式制度从磨合到"叠合"的过程及其对俄罗斯社会经济发展的影响.     

论俄罗斯政治转轨的基本特征

本文以俄罗斯政治转轨为案例,论述其从议行合一的苏维埃制度向三权分立的宪政制度转变中的基本特征。全文分析了俄罗斯政治转轨的研究视角、基本特征及启示。本文认为,研究俄罗斯宪政制度的确立与演变,是研究俄罗斯政治转轨最具学理性和现实性的视角。以此为视角进行研究,可以看到俄罗斯政治转轨是一个完整的有规律的过程,在转轨的各个阶段都有核心的历史问题体现,而且各种制度之间互相影响,互为发展原因,是一种整体性、综合性的发展态势。本文在此研究的基础上,提炼了俄罗斯政治转轨的6点基本特征,并总结了3点经验教训。最后,本文扼要分析了研究俄罗斯发展道路的意义及其对世人的启示。     

俄罗斯养老金制度改革评析

俄罗斯养老金制度起源于前苏维埃时期。前苏联解体后,俄罗斯政府为了适应市场经济发展的需要,改革了国家集中管理的养老保险制度,实行了资金来源多样化的、重视效率并兼顾公平的社会保障模式。新的养老金制度支付体系的实施,表明俄罗斯基本建立起了社会化的养老保险制度框架。政府预算开支已经显著降低,依靠社会集资占据主导地位。但是2000年以前的养老金制度实质上仍是前苏联时期的现收现支体系的翻版。从2001年12月起,《俄罗斯联邦强制养老保险法》、《俄罗斯联邦国家养老保障法》和《俄罗斯联邦劳动养老金法》同时开始生效。这标志着俄罗斯的养老保障体制改革进入了一个更加完备的有法律保障的发展阶段。     

俄罗斯税制改革的政治影响分析

普京上台伊始,即把发展经济、建立强大的国家确定为俄联邦的首要任务。普京认为,使俄罗斯失去其国际强势地位和独立性的很大原因是国家税收乏力,因此俄罗斯当务之急是尽快改革原有的税制结构和税收制度①。在普京的大力推动下,俄罗斯进行了大规模税制改革。以简化税制、减少税种、降低税率、减轻税负为核心的税制改革取得了很大成功,使俄罗斯“成为一个建立了良好税收制度的国家”。在此基础上,普京提出了进一步深化税改,在今后两年内全面完成税收改革的新的奋斗目标。     

普京执政后的俄罗斯政党制度改革

普京执政后通过法律手段规范俄罗斯的政党组建和杜马选举,积极组建、培养政权党.尽管自上而下进行的俄罗斯政党制度改革在一定程度上牺牲了宪法规定的民主,但使俄政党制度得以平稳运行.普京通过改革政党制度为政权党阔开执掌权力之门,政权党控制杜马立法权则强化了总统的权力.结果 ,普京构建起以总统为核心的政治体制,在规范俄罗斯政党制...     

欧洲政治中的俄罗斯与乌克兰

冷战结束以来,原苏联的主要东欧盟国已经被纳入欧盟—北约体系,后苏联空间的部分地区也已经被计划纳入欧盟—北约体系。乌克兰作为欧盟北约和俄罗斯的"共同邻国",俄乌关系不可避免地具有了欧洲政治属性。欧洲政治的目标就是要把乌克兰纳入欧盟北约体系,这同俄罗斯的利益产生尖锐的矛盾。要缓解俄乌关系必须从调整俄欧关系入手。     

普京改革的政治空间

从90年代初的俄罗斯激进改革直至普京执政以后逐渐形成中的稳定局面，表明一种曾经在20年代“新经济政策”时期之后以及法国大革命中出现过的激进--稳健--“政治保守”的历史逻辑，正在当代体制与社会转型的俄罗斯重演；通过对当前俄罗斯政治力量结构的分析，上述历史逻辑正在现存的俄各方的政治互动中得以实现。     

俄罗斯保守主义与当代政治发展

20世纪90年代俄罗斯保守主义复兴,各种政治力量都以保守主义者自居,其概念莫衷一是.它是俄罗斯传统保守主义的延续,与西方保守主义少有共同之处.俄罗斯保守主义既是对激进变革的被动反应,又是对俄罗斯国家发展模式的探寻.当代俄罗斯保守主义的三大内涵是国家主义、反西方主义和传统主义.在整个社会趋于保守的情境下,"俄罗斯民主发展模式"的提出是俄罗斯政治发展的一个理论支持,但是它具有很大的局限,真正推动起来会遭遇强大的阻力.     

Long-term outlook for China’s political reform

China’s post-1978 economic reform is generally acclaimed as success, for the Chinese economy has expanded nine-fold in a matter of 25 years and the country rose from the world’s 34th largest trading nation in 1978 to the third largest in 2004 ahead of Japan. Interestingly, the Chinese experiment is often described in the West as “economic reform without political reform”. This begets the question: how could a politically un-reformed system be able to deliver such an economic miracle? In reality, China has conducted, by its own standards, major political reforms since 1978. Though far short of the Western expectations, the Chinese experience since 1978 should better be described as “great economic reforms with lesser political reforms”, without which China’s economic success would be inconceivable. China’s “lesser political reforms” have reduced country’s opportunities for greater political change, thus alienating many reform-minded intellectuals. Nevertheless, it may also have helped China avert the possible economic and social upheavals which could have resulted from rushing too fast into a radically different economic and political system. There is a strongly held belief, especially among the more ‘ideological’ observers of Chinese affairs that unless there were a radical political reform, perhaps tantamount to a revolution, to rid China of its “oppressive” Communist Party, the Chinese system would inevitably collapse just like what had happened in the USSR and Eastern Europe. As the party has been in power, China had been predicted to face collapse in the aftermath of the Tiananmen crisis of 1989, the Soviet Union’s disintegration of 1990, the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1996, and the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and the 2003 outbreak of SARS. Yet all these forecasts turned out to be wrong and the track record of the China doomsayers over the past 20 years is indeed poor. Will China become a democracy through its political reform in 20 years? Indeed, a full democracy could be the best scenario for China, the region and beyond, but it is difficult to give a definitive answer, which will, to a great extent, depend on how to achieve democracy in China, i.e. the costs/risks involved, as well as what kind of ultimate shape such a democracy will take. If full-fledged democratisation will take more time, the pressure for a more accountable government and more democratic society is growing, and this trend will continue with the rise of China’s middle class and civil society. Therefore, the most likely scenario for China in the coming two decades is that China will continue its own approach to political reform, and the relative successful experience of China’s economic reform may well set a pattern for China’s political reform in the years to come. As part of Europe’s general approach towards China’s political change, it is in Europe’s interest to assist, in line with the view of most Chinese, gradual reform rather than revolution or ‘regime change’, which could produce hugely negative consequences for China itself, Sino–European relations and European interests in China and even East Asia.     

Military reform and strategic nuclear forces of the Russian federation

Russian Minister of Defense Marshal Igor Sergeyev has proposed merging the Strategic Rocket Forces and strategic nuclear components of the Navy and Air Force. Advocates of the proposed reform invoke Russia's need to increase its reliance on nuclear weapons in view of the decline in its conventional forces, as well as the potential savings from the merger. Critics of the plan view it as favoring the Strategic Rocket Forces at the expense of the rest of the military, and as prohibitively expensive. The NATO campaign in Kosovo has made Marshal Sergey ev vulnerable to criticism for emphasizing nuclear forces over conventional ones, and the plan has been put on hold.     

俄罗斯新一轮军事改革评析

俄格军事冲突后,俄罗斯加快军队改革和建设的步伐,出台了很多政策和改革措施,其主要内容有裁减军官员额、减少指挥层次、改组空军指挥系统、重组后勤保障系统等.本文侧重对新一轮改革的特点进行分析,并提出了自己的若干看法.     

Beijing's 2007 political reform plan and prospects for Hong Kong's democratization

In the September 2008 Legislative Council election, Hong Kong's democrats managed to retain their veto position in the political reform process. Now, the democrats face the dilemma of what to do with Beijing's 2007 plan for Hong Kong's democratization. According to the plan, the people of Hong Kong could see the direct election of the chief executive and the entire legislature in 2017 and 2020, respectively. Although the plan is not perfect, Hong Kong's pan-democratic camp may need to adopt a negotiated approach, given the current political reality and the balance of power between local democrats and Beijing. It is suggested here that there is room for negotiation in the latter's reform plan. If some moderate democrats are willing to pursue a negotiated strategy, Beijing's political reform plan for Hong Kong stands a significant chance of being approved. Recent developments in Hong Kong indicate that such a prospect could indeed materialize.