韩国“两金”政权的制度反腐经验

韩国反贪腐斗争经历了从运动反腐到制度反腐的艰难历程。朴正熙军人集团揭开了 韩国工业现代化“汉江奇迹”的序幕, 也开启了韩国真正意义上的惩贪治贪进程。但真正使韩国反 贪腐斗争走上法制化、制度化轨道的,是“两金”政权。“两金”政权在反贪腐斗争和政治民主化方面 均取得巨大成功, 使韩国反贪腐斗争从运动反腐的低级阶段,成功过渡到制度反腐的高级阶段。韩 国“两金”政权的制度反腐经验, 值得我们认真研究和借鉴     

卢武铉将如何延续金大中的经济政策－－从金大中“求变存活”，到“新鲜希望”、更加快速进步的网络韩国

将于今年2月25日就任的韩国新当选总统卢武铉将实行何种经济政策，成为各国关心的焦点。即将离任的现任总统金大中凭借以“大家一起求变才能存活”为成功要素的“大中经济学”为韩国建立了随时变化的动因与环境，而卢武铉这位金大中的接班人、善于体察时势的“网络民粹运动家”，将会以网络的优势，带动一个更加快速变化与进步的韩国。具体而言，笔者预料卢武铉将会继续金大中总统的改革财阀集团等经济政策，但基于年轻人的支持而当选的他也深切体认到网络对他的重要性，且作为“激进改革派”的卢武铉将会提出自己的新的政策。     

印尼的福清莆田帮华人金融财阀

东南亚国家华人经济产业结构的一个特点是方言帮华人往往集中在某些行业。同泰国的华人金融财阀主要属于潮汕帮华人一样,印尼的华人金融财阀主要属于福清莆田帮华人。在印尼,福清莆田帮华人金融财阀在金融业中控制着三个主要金融集团:中亚集团、泛印集团和力宝集团。这三个金融集团核心人物的人际关系(血缘关系和非血缘关系)和金融集团的金融网络配置对金融集团的形成和发展,影响甚大。因此,本文拟从这两个侧面、对这三个     

入关前后日本企业并购的特点分析

一、对国内并购的控制在立法上较严 ,在执行中较松1.被迫“进口”的反垄断法 :比美国的还严厉在二战前 ,日本政府所推行的基本是一条扶植与保护垄断的政策 ,并由此而形成了战前财阀家族性很浓的垄断体制。战后初期 ,在美国占领军的推动下 ,日本政府由美国“移植”、导入了反垄断政策 ,实施了经济民主化政策 ,其主要内容包括彻底解散财阀企业、排除过度集中的经济力量及制订《禁止垄断法》。众所周知 ,战前日本的财阀体系是日本发动侵略战争的经济基础。美国政府及其驻日占领当局认为 ,以财阀为代表的日本垄断资本“是日本最大的战争潜在力量…     

韩国发展方向的转变及其对中韩关系的影响

1997年亚洲金融危机后,韩国进行了新经济自由主义的改革,导致社会两极分化加剧。在2012年的总统选举中,韩国出现了新的社会共识:进行经济民主改革、追求"幸福发展"。经济自由主义时代的韩国重视企业的全球竞争力、重视出口额,希望通过经济发展来解决社会问题。今天的韩国强化财阀管制、扶持中小企业,希望扩大就业、拉动国内消费、缩小两极分化。今后,韩国社会对中韩经济合作的评价会发生改变,对国际经济合作也会更加谨慎。即便进行改革,韩国的社会矛盾短期内难以改善,其民族主义情绪还会不断升温。     

80年代以来印尼、马、泰、菲四国的华侨华人政策对华人经济的影响

80年代以来,印度尼西亚、马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾这四个东盟国家面向出口的战略和产业升级换代加速了商业资本向产业资本的转化,促进了华侨华人的商业资本向工业资本过渡,华人经济实力开始快速增长,尤其在工业、金融和第三产业获得了长足发展,涌现出了一些华人大企业集团和金融财阀,如印尼籍华人林绍良的沙林集团、谢建隆兄弟的阿斯特拉集团、陈雄基的金轮集团;菲律宾华人吕希宗的“行裕行”;马来西亚的马联工业集团,森那美集团、李莱生的吉隆坡甲洞集团;泰国华人陈守民的黉利企业集团、谢国民的正大集团等等.     

美国“亚太再平衡”背景下韩国的外交安全战略

韩国在美国的亚太同盟体系和亚太战略布局中占据着重要位置,因而美国"亚太再平衡"战略的实施必然对韩国产生直接影响。在美国"亚太再平衡"的背景下,基于对东北亚地区体系和地区秩序的判断及自身所秉持的政治理念,代表韩国保守势力的李明博和朴槿惠政府均做出了以强化韩美同盟为外交安全战略基干的选择,迎合美"亚太再平衡"战略,并将韩国纳入美亚太战略布局中,从而对朝鲜半岛和东北亚地区安全局势产生复杂的影响,不但激化地区内的对立格局,也使得包括朝鲜核问题在内的东北亚地区安全问题的解决面临更多的不确定性。     

“萨德”部署的韩国因素

今年年初以来,随着韩国军方与乐天集团完成“换地”、美国将“萨德”系统部件运抵韩国,“萨德”入韩正式进入落实阶段.据韩媒透露,美韩两国已商定加快步伐、力争于5月上旬韩国大选前完成“萨德”部署.①在韩国部署“萨德”是美国以“四两拨千斤”的巧实力搞乱东北亚局势、收紧对华围堵的狠招,除实质加强对华战略侦察监视外,还能在整合本国同盟体系的同时离间中韩关系,达到“一箭三雕”的目的.引“萨德”入韩的“主谋”虽然是美国,但一个巴掌拍不响,“萨德”部署有深层的韩国因素,与以朴槿惠政府为代表的韩国执政保守势力主动谋划、积极配合分不开.     

泰国华人金融财阀

在发展中国家的经济发展过程中,在生产技术方面缺乏系列性以及资本和企业经营者的稀少性的历史条件下,民族系企业的发展往往导致财阀的形成。这种财阀以家族或者同族出资的母公司(或控股公司)为核心、并且通过核心母公司所支配的子公司去经营多种产业,形成一种企业集团。财阀的一个重要特征是它的大型子公司在各产业领域中居垄断地位;而由母公司、大型子公司和小型子公司所组成的金字塔式企业集团是财阀的表面形态。由于种族、语言和宗教的类似和相同,加上泰国政府采取的民族融合政策,居住在     

华侨资本的前资本主义性质——关于马来西亚陆佑财阀的研究(下)

七、陆佑的家族构成从以上所述可以了解到陆佑财阀的发迹经过:早期在四邑帮的背景下经营生产劳务活动或者承包税收,以后逐渐停止了产业资本的发展,转向成为依靠不动产投资的食利阶层。为了进一步弄清楚陆佑财阀此后的发展过程及其财阀的内部结合关系,不能不涉及到陆佑家族的构成发展情况。陆佑在中国故乡还有什么亲属尚不清楚,但第二次大战后不久,他在海外的家族和亲属有如下表所示:     

Crossing the river that divides the Korean Peninsula: an evaluation of the Sunshine Policy

This paper sheds light on aspects of functionalism and neo-functionalismin the Sunshine Policy and evaluates its contribution to inter-Koreanrelations through statistical analyses. On the whole, the policycould increase the trade volume and diversify trade structuresencompassing primary and secondary industries, as well as processing-on-commission-basedtrade in economic sectors. Our research results demonstratethat the policy has contributed to the progress of inter-Koreanrelations in socio-economic areas. Notwithstanding the increasingeconomic gap between the North and South, inter-Korean tradehas expanded in the context of the economic urgency of the Northand the mutual benefits of inter-Korean cooperation. In socialsectors, the Kim Dae Jung government in comparison to previousgovernments encouraged personal exchanges, and these personalcontacts should enhance mutual understanding between the Northand South Korean people. In political and military sectors,the Sunshine Policy has been less positive in the current militarybuild-up by both Koreas. Since the security issue of the twoKoreas is the most vital factor for survival, broad and long-termperspectives based on mutual reliance and trust are needed.     

Korea’s middle power activism and peacekeeping operations

This paper deals with Korea’s peacekeeping operations (PKO) activities that are important to assess its middle power activism. The numbers of Korean PKO troops lessened drastically during the period 2003–2007. The purpose of this paper’s analysis is to discover the determinants of this drastic change. For the analysis, economic growth and state budgets are classified as economic factors, while partisanship and political leadership are classified as political factors. The analysis led to the following conclusion. Regarding economic factors, the economic growth and the state and defense budget stay relatively constant and do not match the fluctuation of the PKO activities in Korea. Regarding political factors, there is no correspondence between partisanship and the PKO policy, because the liberal governments of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun implemented different PKO policies. The political leadership factor appears to be rather significant. Both Kim Dae Jung and Lee Myung Bak eagerly seek international cooperation. In contrast, Roh Moo Hyun emphasizes self-reliance. Thus, we conclude that the political leadership factor is most likely to influence the fluctuation of PKO activities in Korea.     

The US role in Korean democracy and security since cold war era

This paper traces the role that US played in the developmentof Korean democracy and maintaining peace and security in theKorean peninsula. First, it looks back into the US role in theKorean political transformation from 1950s through 1980s. Itexamines why the US introduced American style democracy in thedivided country and what was the role of the US in the criticaljunctures of regime changes and transformations. The UnitedStates had two contradictory objectives in South Korea: to buildup South Korea as ‘a showcase for democracy’ andas an anti-communist buffer state. The two objectives set ‘theAmerican boundary’ to South Korean democracy. The firstobjective acted upon as an enabling condition for incipientdemocracy, while the second acted upon as a confining conditionto development of democracy in South Korea. Second, it investigatesthe role that the US played in the outbreak of financial crisisin 1987 and in the ensuing comprehensive neoliberal restructuringof the economy by the Kim Dae Jung government after the crisis.Third, it analyzes three events that put US–Korean relationsunder stress since the inauguration of Bush administration:Anti-Americanism, perception gap on North Korea, and the newmilitary transformation initiative of US. Finally, it drawspolicy rationales for stronger Korea–US alliance in thefuture from the Korean perspective: Korea–US allianceas leverages against China and Japan, means of pursuing an effectiveengagement policy toward North Korea, a cornerstone to liftSouth Korea to a hub state in Northeast Asia, and geopoliticalbalancer and stabilizer in Northeast Asia after the unificationof Korea.     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

Putin's foreign policy toward North Korea

Since coming to office in 2000, President of the Russian Federation,Vladimir Putin, has taken a pragmatic and calculating approachto the conduct of foreign policy in order to promote Russia'sgeopolitical and economic interests. For him, a higher profileon Korean issues has been an opportunity to show that Moscowcan influence Pyongyang and play a meaningful role in greatpower diplomacy on the Korean peninsula. As a result of activediplomacy toward North Korea, the two former communist alliesput a period to the deteriorating relations in the 1990s; afterthe September 11 terrorists attack and the launch of the waron terrorism Moscow's influence over Pyongyang reached its peak.The beginning of the North Korean nuclear crisis in October2002, however, relegated Moscow to a marginalized position inthe Korean issue. This paper examines how Putin's pragmaticdiplomacy was put into effect in Russia's foreign policy towardNorth Korea and how circumstances on the Korean peninsula haveaffected Russia–DPRK bilateral relations. An analysisof these factors shows why Russia's role in the ongoing Six-Partyprocess has become insignificant. At the present time, it iscertainly plausible that Russia will not activate diplomaticefforts to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis and will besatisfied with merely securing a seat at the multilateral talksin Northeast Asia.     

朝鲜半岛的战略困局

朝鲜半岛长期以来一直面临诸多战略困局。作为矛盾一方面的朝鲜在发展道路的选择以及自身的国家安全问题上面临困境,因此,“先军政治”路线短期内难以调整。矛盾另一方面的韩美两国也在对朝政策方面面临困局,美国自身的政策往往成为半岛困局的一部分。未来,解决朝鲜半岛问题僵局的核心还在于朝韩关系的改善,这是所有矛盾中的核心矛盾。     

重新审视朝鲜半岛无核化问题（英文）

The chaotic and turbulent situation on the Korean Peninsula in 2016 brought the issue of denuclearization to a crucial juncture and clearly exposed the structural conflicts behind the problem. The parties involved need to face up squarely to the deep-lying contradictions and create conditions for solving fundamental issues.     

中国视角：朝核问题现状及解决途径

本文通过对朝鲜拥核的内外部因素分析,重新评估了朝鲜的核政策,反驳了目前西方学者在朝核问题上的6种观点,对朝鲜拥核的动机、强制弃核的效果、朝核问题解决的程序悖论、中国在朝核问题上的作用、朝鲜经济变革的可能性以及六方会谈的未来等进行了论证。本文认为朝鲜弃核进程必须与安全关切紧密联在一起,弃核的实现又与朝鲜的经济改革存在相关性。必须强化六方会谈其他五方与朝鲜的立场和政策更为有效的协调,以多边模式整合碎片化的地区安全局面。     

Anti-Americanism in Electoral Politics: Insights from South Korea's 2002 Presidential Election

Since September 11, 2001, anti-Americanism has emerged as an important issue in international politics. In democratic election campaigns, anti-Americanism should be an attractive issue where it is expected to have a favorable impact on key swing vote constituencies. Anti-Americanism has certain inherent ideological appeals and more varied historically-based attractions. Anti-Americanism should be least attractive where countries continue to rely on U.S. security guarantees. South Korea's December 2002 presidential election, in which winner Roh Moo-hyun openly sympathized with anti-American demonstrators, appears to contradict this expectation. Yet closer analysis of individual-level polling data shows that anti-Americanism was, both statistically and substantively, much less significant than alternative campaign issues. By activating the numerous voters hostile to the North Korean regime, anti-Americanism actually hurt the victor's electoral chances. The approach appears useful in understanding why anti-Americanism is a more prominent ideology and electoral issue in some regions, such as Western Europe and Latin America, and a less prominent one in others, for example Eastern Europe, East Asia, and Oceania.     

新形势下中国对朝外交政策的调整

冷战结束后,中朝关系逐渐向以国家利益为导向的"正常的国家关系"转变。2010年以来朝鲜半岛发生的多次争议事件导致局势不稳加剧,中国对朝鲜半岛外交及中朝双边关系面临微妙形势。分析当前中国对朝外交新形势,应以国家利益为出发点,调整对朝政策:承担必要责任,摆脱被动牵制;撬动对朝"杠杆",发挥主动影响;遵循务实原则,谋求国家利益;理解对方关切,保持传统友谊,从而实现中朝关系长远而健康的发展。