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1.
Indro Ray 《Housing Policy Debate》2015,25(3):549-573
In this article, the authors introduce a novel way to define and measure housing submarkets in relation to foreclosures. Instead of the traditional methods of identifying submarkets a priori, this study uses an approach that empirically delineates housing submarkets based on spatial contiguity and housing attributes. The spatial clustering algorithm developed for this study identified submarkets in each of the urban counties. A spatial regression model was then used to assess the impact of submarket structure on foreclosure rates. In addition, the study also incorporates a measure of sprawl in its analysis. It was found that sprawling counties are not more likely to have higher rates of foreclosures compared with average rates. However, the counties with smaller and more fragmented housing submarkets are likely to have lower rates of foreclosures. The results suggest that urban form is less consequential than housing market structure in affecting U.S. housing market dynamics. 相似文献
2.
Families using the Housing Choice Voucher Program rarely experience large gains in neighborhood or school quality when compared with unassisted poor renters. Research on housing mobility programs has reached mixed conclusions about whether vouchers can improve neighborhood and school quality, especially in the long term. We revisit these findings using new data from the partial remedy to the Thompson v. HUD desegregation case in Baltimore, known as the Baltimore Housing Mobility Program (BHMP). Through targeted vouchers, intensive counseling and innovative policy features, the BHMP helped families move to low-poverty, nonsegregated neighborhoods with higher performing school districts. We examine residential outcomes for the first 1,800 families that moved through the program for a period of up to 9 years. We find that BHMP families moved to more integrated and affluent neighborhoods, in school districts with more qualified teachers and fewer poor students—and most families stayed in these neighborhoods beyond their initial lease-up period. Eventually, a small proportion of families moved to neighborhoods that are less white, but still significantly less poor and less segregated than their original communities. We interpret these findings in light of past mobility programs and discuss policy implications for the Housing Choice Voucher Program. 相似文献
3.
This study maps the geography of the recent housing crisis within and across American metropolitan areas, and evaluates how it is related to a series of spatial and socioeconomic variables at neighborhood and metropolitan levels. It finds that the spatial patterns of housing recessions vary widely by region. In general, fast-growing metropolitan areas in the Southwest and Florida experienced not only deeper but also longer housing recessions. In contrast, metropolitan areas in the South (except in Florida) saw shallower and shorter housing recessions. Metropolitan areas in the Midwest and Northeast had fewer price declines in the crisis, but their housing recessions tended to be longer. Housing recessions tend to be deeper and longer in larger metropolitan areas. Neighborhoods located closer to city centers experienced shallower and shorter recessions compared with those in fringe areas. Even after controlling for many other variables, automobile dependency is still a strong and positive predictor of housing recession depth and duration. The effects of other urban form variables, such as land-use density and mixed use, are mixed and vary by region. The significance of the effects of neighborhood demographic variables on recession depth is highly dependent on the inclusion of high-risk loan in the model, suggesting that predatory and high-risk lending is one major reason why lower income and minority neighborhoods were hit harder by the recent housing crisis. The effects of high-risk loan and neighborhood demographic variables on housing recession duration, however, are rather weak. 相似文献
4.
One of the most persistent public policy debates is over the aftermath of the foreclosure crisis and its continuing impact on housing markets. Distressed properties – including foreclosure and real estate-owned properties – tend to be sold at much lower prices than nearby comparable properties, often pulling down both surrounding property values and neighborhood morale. Recent findings show that these discounts for distressed properties are associated with various factors, but three important dimensions of these discounts remain relatively unexplored. First among these is the degree of variation in these discounts, even within the same regional market. Second is how discounts vary through the typical sequence of the distressed property transaction cycle. The final factor is the nature by which discounts vary according to the market participants – are the buyers/sellers individuals or institutions? This study examines these major factors affecting discounts, and estimates the spatially and sequentially heterogeneous discounts for distressed properties in the housing submarkets of Cuyahoga County, Ohio. Findings indicate that the discounts of distressed properties in the strong and weak submarkets substantially vary based on all three of these previously overlooked factors, yielding a more complex and nuanced housing context for practitioners and policymakers to consider. 相似文献
5.
Piero Mella Matteo Navaroni Michela Pellicelli 《美中公共管理》2014,(3):241-254
Many public administrations produce and distribute public services through a number of similar local autonomous organizations, or institutions, operating in different parts of the territory assigned to them under a centralized authority. Examples of this are the public residential housing institutions, the institutions for waste disposal, health care institutions, and education institutions. The problem arises regarding the evaluation of the performance of these local organizations and institutions not in absolute but in relative terms, in order to determine what incentives or sanctions should be meted out to them. This study presents the methodological problems, the data analysis, and the initial results of the method adopted by the Lombardy Region to create a system of performance indicators that will permit an automatic ranking of the Residential Housing Agencies in Lombardy (ALER) according to their performance, based on information from their balance sheets. A performance index was devised by rationally combining the results of three different analyses: position analysis, ranking analysis, and scoring analysis. The results allowed the central administration to: (1) motivate the managers of the local units through a system of performance-based incentives; (2) aggregate poorly performing local units or outsource inefficient functions; and (3) create competition among local units and raise overall performance levels. 相似文献
6.
Molly W. Metzger 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):544-567
In theory, housing choice vouchers provide low-income families with increased neighborhood options. However, previous research is mixed regarding whether the program promotes integration. Examining the 50 most populous U.S. metropolitan areas, I find that households using vouchers are more economically and racially segregated than an extremely low-income comparison group. However, voucher households in areas with source-of-income protection laws are less racially segregated than voucher households in areas without such laws. 相似文献
7.
Jacob William Faber 《Housing Policy Debate》2018,28(2):215-247
The subprime boom and subsequent foreclosure crisis highlighted risk associated with pursuit of the American Dream of homeownership. People of color and those living in segregated areas were particularly harmed by the dramatic rise and fall of the housing market. Almost a decade after the economy’s collapse, questions remain about racial and spatial disparities in access to mortgage credit. I leverage Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data to explore mortgage application outcomes in 2014. Well into the economy’s recovery, minority borrowers remained at a disadvantage in the mortgage approval process. Whereas 71% of White applicants were approved for home loans, approval rates were lower for Asians (68%), Latinos (63%), and Blacks (54%). Black and Latino borrowers were also significantly more likely to receive higher cost loans than Whites, a practice that has accelerated since the foreclosure crisis. Results suggest that segregation exacerbated racial disparities as lenders funneled expensive credit into isolated minority communities. Furthermore, the differences between White and minority outcomes were largest in census tracts where subprime lending was common in 2006 and foreclosures accumulated during the Great Recession. Together, these findings indicate how spatially organized markets have racialized consequences in a highly segregated society. 相似文献
8.
Using data from the American Housing Survey (years 2001–2009), we find that purchase prices for homes selected primarily to access self-identified “good schools” rose (relative to homes selected for other reasons) during the key U.S. housing bubble period, compared with the periods before and after the bubble. We observe a similar pattern in homebuyers' mortgage-to-income ratios. Various regression specifications and propensity score matching techniques show that these trends persist conditional on a range of household, demographic, and economic controls. Our results suggest that the strong, bubble-era pursuit of good schools may have played a role in the housing bubble's expansion. 相似文献
9.
Vincent J. Reina 《Housing Policy Debate》2019,29(5):820-834
ABSTRACTA lawsuit that argued that the method used to calculate rent limits in the Housing Choice Voucher Program promoted racial segregation in Dallas, Texas, resulted in the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development developing zip code-based voucher rent limits in Dallas in 2011. This rent calculation approach was then expanded to five other demonstration sites in 2012. This article analyzes whether adjusting voucher rent limits reduces a minority household’s likelihood of living in a high-minority neighborhood, improves their likelihood of living in a higher opportunity neighborhood, and reduces the disparity in location outcomes between minority and White households in the voucher program. This article finds evidence of improvements in the location outcomes of Black and Hispanic voucher households because of the use of zip code-based rent limits, but that these results are only marginal with respect to the persistent disparities in outcomes based on race within the voucher program. 相似文献
10.
AbstractComparative political economy (CPE) has robustly examined the political and institutional determinants of income inequality. However, the study of wealth, which is more unequally distributed than income, has been largely understudied within CPE. Using new data from the World Income Database (WID), this article examines how economic, political and institutional dynamics shape wealth-to-income ratios within Western European and OECD countries. It is found that the political and institutional determinants that affect income inequality have no short- or long-run effects on the wealth-to-income ratio. Rather, the rise in wealth-to-income ratios is driven by rising housing prices, as well as price changes in other financial assets, not home ownership or national saving rates. The article concludes by examining how the changing dynamics of housing prices and wealth inequality will increasingly shape intergenerational – and associated class-based – political conflict in Western Europe. 相似文献
11.
ABSTRACTThere is no exact European equivalent to the U.S. Fair Housing Act. The member states of the European Union (EU) have transposed into law the EU Racial Equality Directive of 2000 that prohibits discrimination in, among other things, access to the supply of goods and services, including housing, on the basis of race. Most housing discrimination case law so far comes from nonbinding decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and European Committee of Social Rights under the revised European Social Charter of the Council of Europe. This article explains how the European context of discrimination and segregation differs from the American, reviews the major legal conventions establishing equal rights in housing, protected classes, and key precedents. It discusses how mixing policies in social housing are the primary mechanism to reduce residential segregation in Europe. The special case of extreme discrimination against the Roma is presented, before concluding with some comparative observations. 相似文献
12.
In response to the urban crisis of the early 1990s, the government-sponsored enterprise known as Fannie Mae used what would become the Annual Housing Conference (AHC) to influence urban and housing policy. This article traces the history of the AHC in relation to Housing Policy Debate as part of a concerted effort of Fannie Mae to invest in and upgrade the quality of urban and housing policy research during the 1990s. The impact of these conferences on the policy community in universities, Washington DC, the states, and indeed the world is analyzed by highlighting some of work that came out of the more influential conferences including the 1991 Homeless Conference, the 1994 Access to Opportunity Conference, and the 1997 Social Capital Conference. The article is concluded with an appraisal of the AHC’s legacy. 相似文献
13.
Jared M. Ragusett 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):335-363
This article investigates the effect of urban sprawl, as measured by employment decentralization, on minority housing consumption gaps since the housing bust. Previous research contends that sprawl contributes to reducing the Black–White housing consumption gap by increasing the supply of land in housing markets and thereby increasing affordability. Antisprawl policies may therefore exacerbate the Black–White housing disparity. This research makes two contributions to the literature. First, the article examines how changes in sprawl may have varying influences on the Black–White housing gap, a previously unexamined facet of this relationship. In the vast majority of metropolitan areas in this sample, sprawl is predicted to exacerbate the Black–White housing gap until sprawl reaches a threshold. Only in a limited number of high-sprawl metropolitan areas does sprawl contribute to reducing the Black–White housing gap. Second, the article examines differences in housing gaps for three distinct minority groups—Blacks, Asians, and Hispanics—using recent data from the 2009 American Housing Survey. For Blacks, sprawl continues to have varying effects on housing consumption. For Asians, urban sprawl yields significant gains in housing consumption relative to Whites. However, no significant results occur for Hispanics. This article demonstrates that the independent effect of urban sprawl on U.S. minority housing consumption is a highly uneven process in the post–Great Recession economy. As such, arguments that antisprawl policies reduce minority gains in housing should be treated with considerable skepticism. 相似文献
14.
Terrell Carver 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):39-41
Abstract Since 1979, housing reforms in China have been seen as successive state efforts to improve urban governance. The idea is that the state has all along failed to deliver housing efficiently and equitably through the work units and that it is believed that only through the recommodification of housing could the housing problem be ultimately resolved. The housing monetarization policy (HMP) was thus launched in 1998 to replace the long-standing in-kind housing subsidy under the old welfare housing system. The policy aims at providing workers with cash subsidies as part of their wage package to enable them to buy or rent their homes from the market. The purpose of this paper is to explain the implications of the HMP through a neoliberal urbanization perspective. Through the case study of Guiyang, it is argued that while the HMP is successful in improving certain historical housing inequalities, it does not primarily aim at eradicating housing inequalities. HMP has in fact led to more rather than less horizontal inequities. In addition, it is argued here that a market housing system is leading towards increasing urban poverty, greater social polarization and spatial segregation. To improve governance, China needs to keep neoliberal urbanization in check and pay serious attention to its adverse consequences during economic transformation. 相似文献
15.
Xiaodong Kou 《美中公共管理》2013,(6):556-563
Based on the concept of urban development, definition of urban systems engineering (USE) was put forward as a methodology for dealing with problems in the process of optimal evolution of urban whole, which is under the guidance of combination of urban thoughts and system approaches. Then the connotations of USE were elaborated, making the viewpoint of space time as a research clue, city and development as two research themes, urban system, urban logic and urban institution as three research dimensions, and stages, rules, strategies and regulation of development as four research problems. Finally by making Wuli-Shili-Renli systems methodology as stand, the theoretical frame of USE was built. 相似文献
16.
This study uses spatial regressions and spatial statistics to examine the changes in the distribution of Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) households within an expanded San Francisco Bay Area region. From 2000 to 2010, the density of HCV households grew disproportionately across the region, and areas of significant increase emerged in both the region’s urban cores and its rural periphery. Furthermore, the destination communities shared a set of common characteristics. In 2010 HCV households were more likely to locate in areas with lower housing prices, lower percentages of educated people, higher rates of poverty, and higher percentages of African American households when compared with the region as a whole. These findings suggest that voucher holders locate where housing is affordable. We conclude that in regions with tight housing markets, supply matters. This study also introduces housing researchers and policy makers to a methodological approach that addresses what is known in geostatistics as a change of support problem. 相似文献
17.
城市群是区域经济和人口的主要空间载体,深入研究其人口集聚、发展状况,有利于促进城市群形成合理的区域发展格局。从构成城市群的主要人口要素出发,选取反映城市群人口特征的若干主要指标,运用聚类分析方法,对我国主要城市群人口特征进行空间分类研究,发现中国19个主要城市群按照其主要人口特征可明显分为五个人口类别,各类别之间存在显著差异:第一类城市群包括珠三角、长三角和京津冀3个城市群,特征是人口规模大、密度高、城市化水平高;第二类城市群包括成渝、长江中游、海峡西岸、山东半岛、北部湾、关中平原6个城市群,特征是人口增长率高、人口空间分布比较合理;第三类城市群包括中原、哈长、山西中部、滇中、辽中南5个城市群,特征是人口增长率低、城市化水平不高;第四类城市群包括兰西、黔中2个城市群,其特征是人口规模小、城市化水平低;第五类城市群包括天山北坡、呼包鄂榆、宁夏沿黄3个城市群,其特征是人口规模小、密度低、空间分布欠合理。在促进城市群发展的政策方面应进行差异化人口政策引导,在优化人口发展的侧重点和具体策略方面应有针对性区别施策。 相似文献
18.
Malini Ranganathan 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2016,27(3):17-33
The lead poisoning of Flint, Michigan’s water is popularly framed as a case of “environmental racism” given that Flint’s population is mostly black and lower income. In this essay I argue that we see the environmental racism that underlies Flint’s water poisoning not as incidental to our political-economic order, nor even as stemming from racist intent, but as inseparable from liberalism, an organizing logic we take for granted in our modern age. I expand on the idea of “racial liberalism” here. While upholding the promise of individual freedoms and equality for all, racial liberalism—particularly as it was translated into urban renewal and property making in mid-20th-century urban America—drove dispossession. In Flint racialized property dispossession has been one major factor underlying the city’s financial duress, abandonment, and poisoned infrastructure. Yet, through austerity discourse, Flint is disciplined as if it were a financially reckless individual while the structural and historical causes of its duress are masked. Tracing the history of property making and taking in Flint and the effects of austerity urbanism on its water infrastructure, my central argument is that our understanding of Flint’s predicament—the disproportionate poisoning of young African-Americans—can be deepened if we read it as a case of racial liberalism’s illiberal legacies. 相似文献
19.
Noah J. Durst 《Housing Policy Debate》2015,25(2):395-417
Along the Texas border with Mexico, more than 400,000 people live in over 2,000 informal self-help settlements known as colonias. These exceedingly low-income, largely Latino settlements have historically suffered from severe health risks, poor infrastructure and housing conditions, and physical and social isolation. Researchers and policymakers have focused extensively on what I call “first-generation policy priorities.” This has primarily entailed efforts to regularize title and infrastructure, support self-help home improvement for colonia homeowners, and prevent the growth of new informal settlements along the border region. I provide a comprehensive review of existing research on colonias to document the myriad ways in which housing and infrastructure conditions and titling practices have changed since these settlements first proliferated throughout the border region in the second half of the 20th century. These changes necessitate a rethinking of the policy priorities for colonias and informal settlements throughout the state. In particular, I argue that colonias must be recast to recognize the significant improvements that have taken place but also the long-term and sometimes severe problems that persist. These “second-generation policy priorities” include the development of sustainable forms of governance, regulation, and finance to address ongoing infrastructure investment needs in colonias; supporting access to and upkeep of safe and affordable renter- and owner-occupied housing through both self-help and contractor-led projects; ensuring long-term title clarity; and promoting community organizing in new and aging settlements. 相似文献
20.
The impact of age on voting behaviour and political outcomes has become an issue of increasing interest, particularly in the UK. Age divides in voter turnout and political preferences have led to claims that age is the ‘new class’. In this article, we contrast existing ‘cultural backlash’ and political economy explanations of the age divide in politics, and challenge the view that older people are predominantly ‘left behind’, culturally or economically. We show that older people have distinct material interests, related to housing wealth and pensions’ income, that are visible in their political preferences. We argue for the development of a new political economy of age. 相似文献