Editing the 1930s: The Lost Work of Josephine Johnson Excerpts from Josephine Johnson's published and unpublished writings are quoted with permission of the Estate of Josephine Johnson Cannon. All quoted materials © Estate of Josephine Johnson Cannon 2005.

The radical avant-garde has aged profoundly. Yet, led by director Judith Malina, the Living Theatre, founded in 1947, remains the longest surviving political theatre collective in the US. The Living Theatre opened its doors at a new theatre/home on New York City's Lower East Side in 2007, where Malina directed a much lauded revival of the company's groundbreaking 1963 production of Kenneth Brown's The Brig, and performed the role of Maudie in the premiere production of Hanon Reznikov's adaptation of Doris Lessing's Maudie and Jane. Vibrant and luminous at 81, an aged Venus rising from the half shell, Malina (dis)played the decaying and decrepit Maudie, standing naked onstage, sensually and lovingly bathed by Pat Russell, playing Jane. Malina's ageing activist/artist's body and voice spoke volumes about decades of societal and cultural transformations, of sexual revolutions, and of wounds that never heal.

Evoking Pierre Nora's ‘sites of memory’—this performative lieu de memoire ‘talks back’ on many levels, both in contemporary contexts and re-membering the zeitgeist of Malina's earlier performances—nearly naked, strident and much younger in the Living Theatres’ legendary production of Paradise Now (1968–70), and eloquently, flamboyantly anarchist, if too old, playing Antigone in Malina's adaptation of Brecht's version of Sophocles play (1967–84). This essay analyses the mise en scène and the reception of Maudie and Jane in light of the working processes and performance history of director/performer/inspirator Malina. Finally, the challenges and hope made visible and corporeal in Malina's on- and off-stage performances are explored.     

新时代劳动教育与高校思想政治教育有机融合的路径探析

全面加强新时代劳动教育是构建德智体美劳全面发展的教育体系的重要内容.本研究把马克思主义劳动观作为新时代劳动教育与高校思想政治教育有机融合的理论依据和价值引领,充分挖掘高校劳动教育的时代内涵,进而深入思考如何通过劳动教育推进高校思想政治教育的创新发展,使新时代劳动教育与高校思想政治教育相互渗透、有机融合.劳动教育与思想政...     

新时代我国和谐劳动关系构建的政治经济学分析

劳动关系是社会和谐发展的风向标,构建和谐劳动关系是中国特色社会主义事业的重要组成部分。 本研究从马克思关于劳动关系的一般论述中汲取理论支撑,从我国劳动关系演进的制度化与常态化进程中借鉴 有益经验,为构建新时代中国特色和谐劳动关系提供参考。研究认为,当前人民日益增长的美好生活需要对我 国劳动关系的构建提出了更高更全面的要求,但是我国劳动力的供给状况和新型就业形态的涌现给劳动关系治 理带来了_定的挑战,劳动关系主体地位失衡以及劳动关系协调机制不健全等问题在一定程度上制约了和谐劳 动关系构建的进程。研究建议,构建中国特色和谐劳动关系,应始终坚持劳动者的主体地位,大力激发公有制 经济活力,发挥政府主导作用,加强新时代工会组织建设。     

论马克思劳动伦理思想中的道德批判与政治经济学批判

马克思以“批判”代替“道德说教”的方式来建构其理论版图,道德批判和政治经济学批判构成了其劳动伦理思想的双重向度。马克思一方面用宗教批判及法哲学批判的方式完成了对道德层面与实践层面的再次反转,另一方面从宗教和道德批判入手,进而延伸到政治经济学,实现了对资本主义的科学批判。道德批判作为政治经济学批判的起始点和内在意蕴,自始至终都体现了历史唯物主义的基本立场,政治经济学批判下的伦理指向亦是如此。二者所指向的目标都是实现人的自由与解放,具有高度的内在一致性。马克思因批判维度的转换而将其劳动伦理思想推向了更深刻、更全面、更丰富的论证阶段。     

劳资和谐是社会和谐的基石

构建和谐社会,就是要理顺优化社会主义市场经济中的各种社会关系。劳资关系作为一种核心的社会关系,对社会的经济关系、政治关系、文化关系等具有直接的对应性影响。在构建和谐社会中,必须在理论和实践上对劳资关系的和谐问题给予足够的重视。     

马克思恩格斯“劳动”概念的逻辑理路与当代意义

劳动在马克思主义理论中占据着重要地位.斯密揭示了劳动是价值的源泉,但他仅仅视劳动为积累财富的手段,赞美能带来资本增殖的“生产性劳动”而贬低“非生产性劳动”;黑格尔继承了斯密的劳动观,并从哲学高度提出“劳动创造人”的全新命题,但他唯一承认的劳动只是抽象的精神劳动.马克思恩格斯扬弃了斯密和黑格尔的劳动概念,把劳动与人的本质...     

中国近现代各党派工运思想研究综述

国内外对中国近现代各党派,包括共产党、国民党和中华工党、社会民主党、无政府主义党等工运思想的研究,是中国工运史研究的薄弱环节。有关中国共产党的工运思想的研究著述寥寥,主要集中在刘少奇的工运思想方面;有关国民党的劳工政策的研究成果,还停留在建国之前或港台地区;有关其他资产阶级党派工运思想的研究,则刚刚起步。尽管如此,对中国近现代工运思想的研究还是取得了一些可喜的成果,为填补这一领域的研究空白奠定了良好的基础。     

European capitalism and the effects of agricultural commercialization on slave labor in Tunisia, 1780s–1880s

Abstract

The paper argues that while the significance of Tunisian state economic and political reforms during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries has reflected the changing patterns of the caravan slave trade in previous research, much of this research has not considered the role of slaves in the emergent Tunisian economy. Nowhere is this negligence more apparent than in the agricultural sector, which was predominantly responsible for strengthening economic growth from the late eighteenth century until its weakening as a result of encroaching European capitalism by the mid-nineteenth century. Drawing on Tunisian state population data known as the Majba Census and the extant economic literature, the paper addresses this gap by exploring the implications of the Tunisian state economic reforms on enslaved labor in the agricultural sector. Exploring this research gap will enable us to ascertain the extent to which enslaved labor contributed to Tunisia’s burgeoning agricultural sector in a manner that has dodged academics’ attention. After providing a historical context of European capital penetration and its implications on political and economic reforms from the Ottoman conquest through the Husaynid periods, the paper looks at how European capital infusion after the first quarter of the nineteenth century transformed the agricultural sector and examines the role of slave labor prior to the European capital infusion and commercialization of the agricultural sector. Using the Majba Census records’ regional distribution of blacks in the Regency the paper sheds light on the implications of the precarious economy engendered by agricultural commercialization under the aegis of European capitalism on the structure of enslaved labor.     

Judith Scott’s What is Property?: an inquiry into principles of dependency,propriety, and self-possession of an “outsider” artist

The essay addresses the politics of biography in the interpretation and reception of “outsider artist” Judith Scott’s work. Drawing from feminism, disability studies, and Alexander Kluge and Oskar Negt’s History and Obstinacy (1981) and its political economy of labor power, the essay proposes a new method of analysis which would foreground Scott’s work as a mode of institutional critique. Kluge and Negt ask “Can capital say ‘I’?.” The essay argues that Scott’s work compels a concomitant questioning of this “I” and the very terms of biography, authorship, and ownership that undergird the myths – and the institutions – of the “outsider” and her “art.”     

A dilemma for the welfare state: managing the cost for shorter working hours, 1919–2002

The purpose of this article is to study how the Swedish welfare state has managed the cost of shorter working hours. During the twentieth century, several official reports were published in order to produce knowledge about this issue and to deal with the cost for the reform. This article aims to examine the arguments and beliefs of the political economy of the welfare state that emerge from these formulations. An examination of shorter working hours as social policy sheds new light on the relationship between the welfare state and capital, in addition to limits for social policy imposed by the economic system. A reduction of work hours has never been justified as a reform that simply gives more time for leisure and less time for work, but has been assigned a cost that was necessary to manage. The reform was considered possible because it was interpreted as helping to reproduce labor power or capitalism as a whole. It was thought impossible and undesirable when considered to be a threat to this reproduction. This article shows the process of managing the cost for shorter working hours in Sweden and how arguments fundamentally changed over time, although the basic premises remained the same.     

《劳动争议调解仲裁法》对劳动争议处理制度的完善

《劳动争议调解仲裁法》在坚持《劳动法》基本原则的前提下,根据经济和社会发展的要求,总结现行劳动争议处理制度的实践经验和不足,对劳动争议处理制度做了进一步完善,尽最大可能将劳动争议案件解决于基层,维护当事人合法权益。同时《劳动争议调解仲裁法》的颁布实施,一方面赋予了工会更广阔的履职空间,另一方面也为劳动者提供了公正高效的法律救济的途径。     

论劳资关系性质的重新定位--温州私营企业职工对劳资关系认同性调查分析

以不同的意识形态为理论背景,有关劳资关系性质有三个理论体系:\"劳资一体论\"、\"劳资对立、冲突论\"、\"劳资互利论\".\"各尽所能、各得其所、和谐相处\"是对劳资关系性质的重新定位.通过调查可认定,温州私营企业职工基本认同\"劳资互利论\".     

劳动竞赛的动员逻辑——以中央苏区春耕运动为中心的考察

土地革命时期的劳动竞赛是中国共产党对广大人民群众进行政治动员的重要方式。中央苏区自建立伊始就不断遭到国民党反动派残酷的军事“围剿”和严密的经济封锁,因此解决粮食问题对于苏维埃政权的生存与巩固至关重要,春耕运动的开展便是劳动竞赛自身动员功能与革命现实需求高度契合的结果,同时传统农民的行为逻辑与春耕竞赛动员之间呈现出明显的耦合性。党和苏维埃政府在春耕竞赛中运用典型示范与群众参与相统一、氛围营造与压力传导相一致的策略,动员广大民众积极参与其中,同时通过组织领导、制度建设、整顿规范三方面的措施使春耕竞赛在政治认同规约下健康发展。春耕竞赛的有效开展,充分挖掘了苏区农业生产潜力,大大支援了革命战争事业,有力促进了苏区妇女解放。探讨劳动竞赛的动员逻辑,有助于深化革命战争年代中国共产党开展政治动员的实践研究。     

新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障 ：内容、现状及策略

新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障问题已成为政府和社会公众密切关注的重要问题。新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益包括劳动就业权、劳动报酬权、劳动条件权和劳动救济权 4 类,并可以细分为 13 项权利。本研究以外卖骑手为代表,进一步分析了新就业形态劳动者劳动就业权、劳动报酬权和劳动条件权中的社会保障权的现状。研究发现,新就业形态劳动者的劳动就业权、劳动报酬权和社会保障权相比该群体劳动者的平均情况都得到了改善。研究认为提升新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障水平需要更复杂的策略行动,包括继续发挥好市场作用、处理好短期与长期的关系,以及政府与平台企业协同治理等。     

当好娘家人:协调劳动关系的工会视角

工会是职工自愿结合的工人阶级的群众组织.中国工会组织在政府的支持下,在国家法律法规机制下规范运行.工会组织维护职工权益,保护广大工人群众的合法权利.工会组织与职工群众的天然联系决定工会是广大职工的娘家,工会工作者是劳动者的娘家人.在劳动关系中,工会是劳动者一方的利益代表.工会协调劳动关系,实际是代表劳动者一方与用工单位利用调解、协商、沟通的方式进行.工会维权的结果是共同发展,是企业和职工的利益双赢.     

社会运动工会主义的形成和发展 ——非洲工会的发展历程及其在劳动雇佣管制中的作用

在“一带一路”倡议中,非洲国家不可或缺。非洲国家工会的发展可以分为 3 个阶段,即殖民时期、独立运动后初期及政治民主化转型时期。非洲工会发展与政治斗争密不可分,这也决定了其社会运动工会主义的“激进”特性。现在非洲工会力量普遍薄弱,一方面是由于经济自由化导致了正式经济中的大量失业和工会成员人数的急剧下降,另一方面是因为许多非洲国家政府对劳动法的改革,在承认工会合法地位的同时又极大限制了工会行动。虽然非洲工会在劳动雇佣管制中的作用有限,但是当发生严重侵犯工人权利的行为时,非洲工会仍然会通过组织工人罢工、静坐等形式来进行反抗。研究建议,对于在非投资的中资企业来说,要更加关注东道国的工会运行情况,充分尊重员工的权利,加强与工会的沟通,提升员工的归属感。     

再论当好娘家人:协调劳动关系的工会视角

党的十一届三中全会以来,特别是推行经济体制改革以来,中国经济社会的巨大发展变化,给工会组织和工会工作提出了提出新的课题和要求.经过30多年的思考与实践,中国工会逐步完成了工会工作指导思想的重大转变.协调劳动关系的工会视角:工会的工资集体协商工作是在劳动力市场化之后,生产要素之间公平合理分配最有效的运行机制,是工会协调劳动关系,维护劳动者权益的基本方式;工会协调劳动关系一定要在法律的框架内进行,这也是工会在推进这项工作必须要遵守的原则.构建和谐社会,协调好劳动关系,不是工会一家的事情,必须有全社会的共同努力.工会协调劳动关系是维护职工群众合法权益的重要手段,是构建和谐社会的必由之路.     

Is there a global environmental justice movement?

One of the causes of the increasing number of ecological distribution conflicts around the world is the changing metabolism of the economy in terms of growing flows of energy and materials. There are conflicts on resource extraction, transport and waste disposal. Therefore, there are many local complaints, as shown in the Atlas of Environmental Justice (EJatlas) and other inventories. And not only complaints; there are also many successful examples of stopping projects and developing alternatives, testifying to the existence of a rural and urban global movement for environmental justice. Moreover, since the 1980s and 1990s, this movement has developed a set of concepts and campaign slogans to describe and intervene in such conflicts. They include environmental racism, popular epidemiology, the environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous, biopiracy, tree plantations are not forests, the ecological debt, climate justice, food sovereignty, land grabbing and water justice, among other concepts. These terms were born from socio-environmental activism, but sometimes they have also been taken up by academic political ecologists and ecological economists who, for their part, have contributed other concepts to the global environmental justice movement, such as ‘ecologically unequal exchange’ or the ‘ecological footprint’.     

谈当代中国政治文化建构与思想政治工作

全球化导致政治文化的多元化。在全球化背景下, 我们应采取理性的态度来面对全球化对我国政治文化带来的挑战, 正确认识我国政治文化现状, 明确加强思想政治工作对科学建构当代中国政治文化的重要作用。