The International Cooperation in Protection of the Youth

I.Theinternationalback-groundofrightsprotectionoftheyouthanditsstatusintheyouthaffairs.Comparedwiththetraditionalyouthmovementthepoliticaltendencyofthenewyouthmove-mentaftertheColdWarissin-gle-problem-orientedwhichintermsofyouthgroupinvolvesex-tensivelysuchasecologicalpro-tectionpeacevoluntaryserviceinterestsprotectionoftheyouthparticipationdevelopmentun-employmentetctriestoarousesocialconcernsontheyouthre-quiresthesocietytolistentotheirvoicesoastoachievetheaimofurginggovernmentstoformulateorc…     

A Review of China＇s Surrounding Security Environment in the Context of the International Political Economy

Since the second half of 2012, the security situation in China＇s surrounding areas has become increasingly serious. On the sea frontiers,following the Sino-Philippine conflict over Huangyan Island, the Sino-Japanese dispute over the Diaoyu Islands has escalated due to the Japanese government＇s illegal ＂purchase＂ of the islands. Since 2013,     

Changes in the International Pattern and Construction of the International Order in an Age of Multi-polarization(Part Ⅰ)

The world is standing at a moment of historical change.All countries have to experience temporary pains produced along with the formation of a new intemational order.Consequently,more light,less heat,is called for in analyzing current power conglomerates to enhance understanding of what the historical trend is embracing,as well as what the change is dismantling.     

Bureaucratic power at play? The performance of the EU in the International Atomic Energy Agency

This article examines the performance of the European Union (EU) in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Following Barnett and Finnemore, the article argues that the EU as an intergovernmental organization (IO) possesses bureaucratic power based on high technical knowledge and rational–legal authority that it can use to gain influence in the Agency. The EU uses its technical knowledge to be a first-mover in political and technical discussions, and uses its financial support to influence the Agency's technical standards and practices for nuclear safeguards, security, and safety. Nevertheless, the analysis shows that its rational–legal authority as an international organization is limited. Being a regional IO, it does not automatically possess the impartiality and hence legitimacy that ordinarily characterize an international organization. Thus, to further improve its performance in the IAEA, the EU must look beyond internal policy issues and focus on its external legitimacy and standing as well.     

The Importance of Historical Context: A New Discourse on the Nation in Basque Nationalism?

All nationalist movements make use of a variety of aspects (language, history, race, etc.) of the territory claimed as a nation to build their discourse on said nation, and, though these discourses are often presented as something permanent and unchanging over time, they can change depending on the historical context. This is indicated by the Basque nationalist movement's two main discourses on the nation, as well as by what appears to be a tendency towards a new discourse currently being developed within this movement. The new discourse seems to have adopted the concept of democracy as a key element in its theorization.     

The Path of Least Resistance: Mainstreaming “Social Issues” in the International Monetary Fund

This article traces efforts to mainstream social issues in the institutional architecture of the IMF, attributing the lack of progress in this area mainly to the Fund's organisational culture, which steers the IMF towards the path of least resistance when it comes to policy innovation. Whereas the IMF is frequently portrayed as a puppet of powerful member states, this article identifies the Fund's organisational culture as the central factor explaining the slow pace of mainstreaming social issues in the Fund’s architecture. In the absence of member state leadership on this issue, and in light of committed management’s limited room for manoeuvre, IMF staff enjoyed much leeway to pursue an approach that was most suited to their skill set, ideological orientations and the Fund's core mandate. Due to the Fund's strictly hierarchical structure, its recruitment policies, insufficient self-evaluation and reluctance to seriously engage with reform initiatives emanating from civil society, social issues are far from being mainstreamed in the Fund's daily operations.     

A Summery of the International Seminar on “The Social Development Model in the Early 21^st Century”

On October 13 and 14 of 2005, an international seminar on "The Social Development Model in the Early 21st Century" was held in Beijing jointly by China's Research Center on the Contemporary World and Germany's Luxembourg Foundation. Approximately fifty people participated in the seminar, including scholars from the Luxembourg Foundation, City University of London, the Institute of Globalization Studies of Russia, Singapore's State University, Ecuador's Andes University, the Chine…     

Are the Core and Periphery Irreconcilable? The Curious World of Publishing in Contemporary International Relations

While divisive inter- and intraparadigm debates over theories and methodology abound in thhe discourse of International Relations, issues surrounding geographically based divides between developed and developing world International Relations scholars have received considerably less attention. Trends of globalization and internationalization in the past decade have strengthened the argument that such divides must be bridged. This article first investigates whether there have been changes in the level of dialogue between core and periphery IR scholars throughout the 1990s by looking at publishing practices in twenty leading IR journals worldwide over seven years. It suggests explanations for the continuing lack of communication based on interviews with IR scholars from the developing world.     

“International terrorism” in the League of Nations and the contemporary terrorism dispositif

This article recovers states’ discursive practices regarding “international terrorism” in the 1930s. It examines the internal conditions of the discourse of terrorism among states in this period with a particular focus on its conspiratorial elements and suggests external conditions for this discourse’s emergence and order. Furthermore, it points to continuities and discontinuities between the 1930s discursive series and the constituent discursive forms of the contemporary global terrorism dispositif – an assemblage of power practices which bear on individual human bodies, populations or (rogue or fragile) states and which are all strategically oriented through the concept of terrorism. The purpose of such a genealogical history is to expand the space of dissent to power practices in the dominant structures of (terrorism) knowledge by problematising their object and the ways in which these formations are productive of human subjectivity.     

Accountability or “Good Decisions”? The Competing Goals of Civil Society Participation in International Governance

Civil society participation in international and European governance is often promoted as a remedy to its much-lamented democratic deficit. We argue in this paper that this claim needs refinement because civil society participation may serve two quite different purposes: it may either enhance the democratic accountability of intergovernmental organisations and regimes, or the epistemic quality of rules and decisions made within them. In comparing the European Union and World Trade Organization (WTO) in the field of biotechnology regulation we find that many participatory procedures officially are geared towards the epistemic quality of regulatory decisions. In practice, however, these procedures provide little space for epistemic deliberation. Nevertheless, they often lead to enhanced transparency and hence improve the accountability of governance. We also find evidence confirming findings from the literature that the different roles assigned to civil society organisations as “watchdogs” and “deliberators” are at times difficult to reconcile. Our conclusion is that we need to acknowledge potential trade-offs between the two democratising functions of civil society participation and should be careful not to exaggerate our demands on civil society organisations.     

A “German Paperchase”: The “Scrap of Paper” Controversy and the Problem of Myth and Memory in International History

abstract

Anglo‐Russian relations during the period 1894–1914 were filled with incidents in large part stemming from the very different social and political frameworks of the two countries. The two countries had sharply differing traditions concerning individual liberty, freedom of the press and other such matters usually covered by the rubric of human rights. While the realities of great power politics forced the two countries to work together, it is not surprising that their collaboration was often marred by clashes of political and social sensibilities.     

The Anglo-American “Special Relationship”: The Lazarus of International Relations

Scholars have variously queried the existence of the Anglo-American “special relationship,” consigned it to history as “special no more,” or demanded that Britain choose between its European and American relationships. These critiques have become increasingly prevalent since the Cold War. Yet the current British government, like many before it, continues to portray a choice between America and Europe as a “false choice,” and the “special relationship” has arguably deepened in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. This article contends that international diplomatic history can contribute much to understanding the “Lazarus-like” quality of the “special relationship.” Specifically it argues that a number of critical continuities in post–World War II British foreign policy survived the end of the Cold War and have since contributed heavily to the determination of the British foreign policymaking elite to maintain the “special relationship” at the same time that Britain pursues a leadership role within Europe.     

The Road from Dayton to Brussels? The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the Politics of War Crimes in Bosnia

Abstract

The tenth anniversary of the massacre of 7–8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in July 1995 set in stark relief the continuing salience of war crimes in the political life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the country now firmly on a path ‘from Dayton to Brussels’, dealing with the war crimes legacy is critical to its future development. Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) is a non-negotiable condition for further progress toward membership of the European Union and NATO's Partnership for Peace, while in the long-term, dealing with the legacy of war crimes is crucial to establishing lasting peace in Bosnia and in the region. This article examines the potential contribution of the ICTY to the restoration of peace in Bosnia in the context of debates about the role of post-conflict justice in societies in transition from war to peace and in the context of the international community's use of the war crimes issues as a political bargaining tool. It will be argued that the two are inextricably linked as short-term pragmatic advantages brought by cooperation work in tandem with longer-term goals of peace and reconciliation.     

Ten Features of the International Situation in 2007

The world of 2007 will be a world of constant changes,with the international situation characterized by complexity and volatility. Regional hotspot issues are hard to solve,but the general situation of the world will remain stable. Peace and development are still the mainstream of the world.     

An Overall Review of the International Situation in the Third Quarter of 2004

I.Iraqcontinuedtobeturbulent,andthepost-warreconstructioninIraqkepttough.Inthepastmonths,PresidentBushhadstrivedtodefendhisIraqipolicyasbefore.Butthechangeofthedo-mesticandinternationalsituationhadturnedmuchmoreadverselyagainsthispolicyonIraq.The″9·11″CommissionReportsaidthatnoevidenceshowedSaddamHussein'sregimehadgivenanydirectas-sistancetoterrorists.Whileconfrontedwiththepro-longedviolenceinIraq,Bushhadtoadmit,forthefirsttime,thathehadmiscalculatedthesituationinpostwarIraq,whereinsu…     

What's in a Name? The Nature of the Individual in Refugee Studies

The category of refugee has been problematic for both practitionersand social scientists because it is difficult to define an objectivecategory that satisfactorily brings the real world, ethics,and theory into harmony. In recent years many critiques havebeen made of the assumptions built into the legal refugee frameworkand efforts have been made to refine the concept from multipledisciplinary perspectives. This paper examines several underlyingassumptions of these discussions, including the category offorced migration, through a discussion of the example of Salvadoransin the United States in the 1980s. One assumption has been notedbut insufficiently theorized: the centrality of the individual.The person assumed by both the refugee and human rights regimesof the United Nations is a culturally-specific construct definingthe relationship between the individual and society in a waythat precludes an adequate understanding of refugees.     

An Overall Review of the International Situation in the Second Quarter of 2004

I.AturbulentsituationinIraqhadkeptdeteri-oratingalongwithrepercussionsof″prisonerabuse″story.WhilepoliticalreconstructionmadesomeprogressdissociationappearedintheU.S.-ledallianceregardingstationingtroopsinIraq.CombatsbetweenIraqiclericmilitantsandforeigncoalitionforceswereexpandingandfiercefightingsoccurredinseveralmajorcities.MorethanonehundredAmericasoldiersdiedinAprilsettingasingle-monthrecordsinceIraqWarbrokeout.Ab-ductionofforeignhostagesroseoneafteranotheraccompaniedbyfrequentterro…     

Following the Party in Time of War? The Implications of Elite Consensus

Prominent perspectives in the study of conflict point to two factors that exert substantial influence on public opinion about foreign intervention: (1) news about casualties and (2) signals from partisan elites. Past work is limited, however, in what it can say about how these two factors interact. We present an experiment designed to understand the surprisingly common scenario where elites send competing messages about whether the public should support war or oppose it—and these messages do not coincide with party divisions. We find that partisans are generally insensitive to news about casualties, but they become noticeably more sensitive when they perceive within-party disputes over support for the war. Independents, however, respond to news of casualties irrespective of what messages elites send. These findings shed light on when and how the public responds to competing and unclear cues and speak to the role of public opinion in determining conflict outcomes and democratic foreign policy-making more broadly.     

Constructing and Conceptualizing“Interdependent Hegemony”in an Era of the Rise of the BRICS and Beyond

The paper aims to provide a framework for understanding the global impactof the rise of the “Second World” (emerging powers, such as BRICS) brought aboutby globalization and the transformation of international relations and internationalpolitical economy. The paper takes the point of departure from one of Gramsci’s keyconceptual categories and analytical apparatus, e.g. “hegemony,” to explore the extentthat the upsurge of the emerging powers has reshaped the terrain and parameters ofsocial, economic and political relations both at the national and global levels, and hasexerted pressure on the existing international order in terms of both opportunities andconstraints. The paper intends to examine the dialectical nexus between the role of theemerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-economic and socio-political forcefor a new world order. The paper’s analytical approach is to combine neo-Gramscianhegemony theories with critical post-hegemony theories. The conclusion of thepaper is to suggest that in an era of globalization and transformational capitalism it isimpossible for the emerging powers to establish an alternative independent hegemony;rather, the world will witness a new era of “interdependent hegemony,” in whichboth the “First World” and the “Second World” are intertwined in a constant processof shaping and reshaping the world order in the nexus of national interest, regionalorientation, common economic and political agendas, security alliance and potentialconfl icts.     

Specific Feature of the International Situation in 2002 and the Trend of Its Development

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