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制度变迁研究的前提性问题是如何理解制度这一概念。社会科学领域对于制度概念存在三种解读,即规制性制度观、规范性制度观、认知性制度观,分别将制度视作外在的规制结构、偏外在的规范系统、内在的共享信念。三种对于制度的不同解读意味着对制度本质的理解是存在差异的,特别是在制度变迁根源的外生性或内生性、制度变迁的决定性变量、制度变迁的设计或演化方式等方面存在分歧或有所侧重,形成各具特色的制度变迁研究。三种制度观强调了制度变迁的不同维度,未来的制度变迁研究可在秉持某种制度概念的前提下关注更多维度,发展制度变迁的中观理论或实证研究。  相似文献   

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In this article we explore the structural shifts which help explain the emergence of UKIP as a major radical‐right political force in Britain. There are two distinct, but related, aspects to this story. The first is the changes to Britain's economic and social structure that have pushed to the margins a class of voters who we describe as the ‘left behind’: older, working‐class, white voters with few educational qualifications. The second is long‐term generational changes in the values that guide British society and shape the outlook of voters. These value shifts have also left older white working‐class voters behind, as a worldview which was once seen as mainstream has become regarded as parochial and intolerant by the younger, university‐educated, more socially liberal elites who define the political consensus of twenty‐first‐century Britain. We then move to consider the political changes that have further marginalised these voters, as first Labour and then the Conservatives focused their energies on recruiting and retaining support from middle‐class, moderate swing voters. Finally, we show how UKIP has developed into an effective electoral machine which looks to win and retain the loyalties of these voters. Finally, we discuss the longer‐term implications of the radical‐right revolt, which has the potential to change the nature of party competition in Britain in the 2015 election and beyond.  相似文献   

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社会管理创新八议——基于社会风险视角   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
童星 《公共管理学报》2012,9(4):81-89,126,127
为推进社会管理创新,本文以社会风险防范和社会矛盾化解为视角,采用理论分析的方法,主张当前社会管理创新的突破口和重点在于对风险社会、开放社会、多元社会、虚拟社会的管理,以满足民众的安全、融入、公平、表达诸需求;确认中国处于“风险共生”下的高风险社会,其依据在于经济社会发展可能停滞、社会结构紧张、社会系统复杂、现代性的不确定性.创建了“风险-灾害-危机演化连续统”模型和“风险管理-灾害(应急)管理-危机管理全过程应对”模型,提出了“三位一体”的战略治理.揭示了社会目标单一、社会结构失衡、社会关系失调、社会冲突增生等四大社会风险源,概括出暴力群体性事件、具体利益冲突、集体性敌视、普遍的社会不满等四种社会矛盾形式,构建了“社会矛盾冰山结构”模型,设计出阻断和化解社会矛盾的五大制度体系.  相似文献   

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企业社会责任意识不强造成了我国企业社会责任建设的滞后。面向强制规则和社会意识坚守社会责任、面向自我认知和消费群体形成互动、面向责任认知和自身发展寻求协同,这三个方面应成为我国企业社会责任建设的三个向度。在此基础上,尊重内在统一性、明确坚守责任的基础性地位、明确多方互动是推进管道、明确内外协同是推行保障,从而系统地推动我国企业社会责任的实现。  相似文献   

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The study of comparative federalism is often hampered by the diverse range of federal institutional arrangements in practice, as well as the ambiguity surrounding the concept of federalism. This article identifies three main conceptual approaches to federalism – sociological, constitutional, and governmental – then proposes a revised governmental approach that takes account of the institutional effects of federalism, for application in comparative politics research. Minimally defined, all federations are products of institutional rules that create separate territorial spheres of authority. This article compares Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany and Switzerland along two key institutional dimensions that structure politics in the federal state: resource allocation, and the representation of constituent units in federal-level decision-making.  相似文献   

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A fundamental feature of Chinese social citizenship is the demarcation between the rural population and the urban population. Entitlement to income security and welfare provision has been exclusively a right of city dwellers. However, as economic reform progresses, the socialist welfare system has become unable to provide adequate protection. Welfare reform intends to widen the social security net, yet it has inadvertently exacerbated social inequality. In the meantime, the inferior social position of the peasantry has worsened as an effect of continued state bias, heightened tax and fee burdens, and the expropriation of farmland for development. In light of the intrusion on their rights and interests, more and more Chinese citizens have taken to protesting to voice their discontent.  相似文献   

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Since 11 September 2001 Counter-Terrorism has been Intelligence's super-priority. It puts a special emphasis on the potential of advanced Information Technology for integrating different databases in different organizations. The problems of applying it fully are organizational and cultural, not technical. They should be met through emphasizing the unity of modern intelligence power, and through personnel policies across separate agencies designed to develop this holistic view. Central authority and leadership will be needed for these purposes.  相似文献   

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Globalisation is often thought to threaten the autonomy of national policymaking and generous welfare policies. This article examines two decades of policy change in Sweden, often viewed as a prime example of a fully fledged welfare state. The analysis is focused on reforms within the welfare sector, which is compared with three other important areas – credit markets, the labour market, and infrastructure policy. These areas can all be seen as crucial aspects of the Swedish social democratic model.  The findings can be summarised in three parts. First, seeing the credit–market deregulation as the first phase of the internationalisation of capital in Sweden lends some support to the idea of globalisation as the result of political decisions rather than a structural change caused by technical change. Second, during the last two decades, there have been signs of marketisation of the Swedish public sector. However, this analysis does not give support to the simple hypothesis of globalisation. There are quite large variations both between and within policy areas, variations that are not easily related to international integration. Third, marketisation involves a shift in political power. An overall effect is that the government has lost some of its former direct influence. However, behind the façade of the invisible market we find the same actors as before influencing policy. Globalisation can have tremendous effects on power. Whether or not this will be the case is first and foremost the result of political decisions and individual desires.  相似文献   

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悦中山  李卫东  李艳 《公共管理学报》2012,9(4):111-121,128
在三部门的整体架构下分析政府、市场和社会对农民工社会融合影响的实证研究还很少.本文利用2009年X市农民工和市民的调查数据时三部门与农民工社会融合之间的关系进行了研究.农民工的社会融合包括文化融合、社会经济融合和心理融合等三个维度.论文发现政府、市场和社会对农民工社会融合三个维度的影响存在差异.政府和市场均对文化融合没有影响,仅社会对文化融合有显著影响.农民工与当地市民的社会互动和在迁入地的居住时间有利于他们习得城市社会文化.政府、市场和社会对农民工的社会经济融合和心理融合均有显著影响,政府还通过市场和社会对社会融合有间接影响.论文的重要发现是社会互动和社会参与有力地促进了农民工的社会融合.论文结论对相关公共政策的制定具有重要启示.  相似文献   

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Will Leggett 《政治学》2004,24(1):12-19
The third way is based on both sociological claims about a changed world, and normative propositions about appropriate conduct within that world. Four types of claim concerning the relationship between social change and political values are identified within third way advocacy. In each case, the degree of political agency implied is assessed. This ranges from a position which minimises the room for political interventions in the face of social change, to one which gives primacy to the role of political values. A successful third way project, or alternative, needs not only to be grounded in contemporary social change, but also to show how to steer it.  相似文献   

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技术、空间和权力——米歇尔·福柯的技术政治哲学   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
福柯作为20世纪最有影响的政治哲学家之一,在其权力-知识概念内自然不会放过对技术这一重要的现代性现象进行哲学的思考,并从微观政治学视角把技术看作是人操控自身的“自我技术”。在此基础上,他进一步从全景敞视主义出发就工厂、医院、学校等空间单元讨论了技术与权力的特定关系,其政治批判直接指向的是任何情景化的技术都是对人体的权力控制并由此造就了作为技术权力效应的“肉体-机器”这一“敌托邦”。沿此政治批判线索,其追随者和其他学者更是把全景敞视主义方法拓展到了对实验室、工业区域、互联网络和基因技术等的政治哲学分析,从“生物-权力”视角提出诸如“半机械人”、“半生物人”等概念,由此显现新兴技术对人体产生的权力控制效应。为了激发对这种技术控制的有效对抗,福柯试图复兴一种具有“生存美学”特征的地方性知识或技术,以摆脱占据统治地位的技术权力控制。  相似文献   

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This paper suggests that the definition of the white working class, as an ethnic majority, is fluid and shifting, in contrast to its conventional portrayal as a fixed and static group. They are more than simply voiceless and ‘left behind’, especially with regard to views of multiculturalism, immigration and social change. Using data from two recent studies, we see a range of views expressed by white working class communities, which underlines the need for care to be taken when attempting to describe common‐sense views on these polemical subjects.  相似文献   

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Rounds  Taryn A. 《Publius》1992,22(4):91-120
This article contrasts divergent attitudes toward tax competitionand tax harmonization in Australia, Canada, and the United States.Despite strong arguments on each side, competition and harmonizationare not necessarily conflicting goals except at the extremes.The most troublesome issue is the tradeoff between promotingefficiency in the public sector and in the private sector. Dueto the difficulty of measuring and comparing efficiency in bothsectors, this issue is not likely to be resolved objectively.However, tax-base harmonization appears to be the best compromisein pursuing both goals. Some fundamental problems remain regardlessof the policy direction taken, including limiting "micro-level"competition and addressing environmental and redistributiveconcerns in regional and local arenas. Improved intergovernmentalcooperation and experimentation are viewed as the key to resolvingthese issues.  相似文献   

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