Visceral gendering and a politics of connectivity in science

This article contributes to tackling the limited impact of existing gender equality policies in science and their widespread dismissal in countries such as the Czech Republic by conceptualizing and addressing visceral gendering practices by which gender differences are produced and rendered (in)visible. Based on research at a Czech research institution and on theories of viscerality and the co-constitution of gender and science I examine practices that gender and de- and regender subjects and relations in ways that undermine gender equality in science. I then explore scientists’ feelings of belonging and contentment that draw attention to the significance of building and maintaining connectivity to knowledge objects, co-workers and lives. The conclusion outlines what a politics of connectivity would entail for research work and career trajectories that are more livable for a broad range of scientists.     

Food policy and politics: The political economy of the public distribution system in India

This article discusses the history and political economy of the Public Distribution System (PDS) in India. This food distribution programme, which dates from 1939, is meant to increase food security both at the national and the household level. Since its emergence, it has passed through several phases, the latest one starting in 1991 when India introduced a Structural Adjustment Programme. From a social constructivist perspective, this article aims at understanding (a) the most important features of this system in the various phases of its history, (b) the social processes that led to the emergence and subsequent development of distribution policy and (c) the various functions PDS has served in the course of its history. It concludes that in the most recent era, there are two contradictory tendencies (one coming from economic rationalisation, the other from populist politics) which push and pull the PDS in different directions. The latter tendency is so strong that a drastic curtailment of the food distribution programme is unlikely, despite the pleas made by those favouring cutting down subsidies and reducing the responsibility of the state.     

English ethical socialism: women writers,political ideas and the public sphere between the wars

The novelists Rebecca West, Winifred Holtby, Margaret Storm Jameson, and Naomi Mitchison developed an interest in politics during the 1930s as a response to the pervasive belief that their society was becoming increasingly uncivil and fragmented. The erosion of social bonds had adverse emotional effects on the members of their communities and prevented the creation of associations that would bring about the socio-political change needed to prevent another war. Politics was a means of establishing workable relationships between the state – felt to be increasingly distant from the lives of the majority of the citizenry; the sum of voluntary associations which constituted civil society; and individuals, demoralised by isolation. It was to the workings of civil society that these four writers turned their attention with a view to examining closely the intricacies of human relationships under adverse conditions. At the same time, they offered alternative models of human interaction that would allow individuals to develop their personalities more fully in a nourishing environment. This article analyses their position by placing their non-fictional work within the context of the political ideas circulating at the time, emphasising the moral implications of their political vocabulary.     

Eating out: The experience of eating in public for the “overweight” woman

This article focuses on the experience of eating in public for the “overweight” woman. It is concerned with the problems and anxieties associated with the prospect of eating in public for many “overweight” women. Public eating refers to eating in both formal and informal settings. Formal settings take the form of settings such as weddings and eating in restaurants, while informal settings include eating at work, with friends, and at home. Both are considered as they constitute “public eating” in that the women are not alone when they eat. The article is the result of ongoing research that involved correspondence and interviews with approximately 195 women who consider themselves to have “weight problems.”     

the politics of conflict and difference or the difference of conflict in politics: the women's movement in Nepal

This article argues that an adequately historicized and politicized understanding of the women's movement in Nepal (or elsewhere) requires a detailed examination of the construction of the gendered subject herself in the complex geo-political space of the emergent (Nepali) nation state. In turn, this unravelling of the gendered subject in Nepal serves to reinforce the premise that the representation of ‘the Nepali Woman’ as a single over-arching category is a contemporary construction, which has been achieved at the expense of consistently effacing the historically prior multiple and contested ethnic/caste identities taken by thrust upon women in what is now the new Nepal. The ‘natural’ goal of the women's movement since post-1990 Nepal to achieve a (single) feminist agenda has become part of the problem, as it can only be achieved at the expense of respecting the radical diversity and difference that is covered over by the ‘theoretical fiction’ of the unified nation of Nepal. The main important players, whether it be the women from mainstream political parties, or the women of the NGO world or the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists), have all contributed to excluding and silencing radical diversity in the name of expediency and elite power brokering. Moreover, it is argued that the contours of this composite discourse continue to be shaped by the international aid industry in Nepal, where ‘development’ is not merely the epistemic link between Nepal and the ‘West’, it is also the locus classicus of generic apolitical consciousness-less Nepali woman whose cause is taken up by scholar and activist alike.     

Women's participation in national-level politics and government: The case of Costa Rica

It has often been assumed that women in politics in Latin America approach their public responsibilities in a manner consistent with their traditional domestic roles. This article analyzes women's roles in Costa Rican politics and government through an examination of both the positions they hold and the attitudes they maintain regarding these positions. We conducted interviews in Costa Rica with female political elites and gathered data from mail questionnaires. It appears that Costa Rican women in public life are most likely to hold traditionally “female” positions and maintain both a feminine image and traditional family values. However, women in Costa Rican politics and government do not view their participation in the public sphere as an extension of their traditional domestic roles.     

The politics of publishing: Selection and rejection of women's words in print

The commercial publishing industry is controlled by men and under the guise of rational and objective decision-making, it manages to produce and disseminate material that it claims to be ‘universal’ and representative of all humanity. In fact, through gatekeeping, the publishing industry selects and promotes the ideas and knowledge that effectively maintain and support the dominant male view of the world. This constitutes a rarely acknowledged ‘political’ dimension in the production of knowledge and in the publishing industry. Alternative views, such as those presented by feminists, are contained at a level where they inevitably remain marginal and without the legitimacy that the sheer volume of production and expensive promotion accord to masculist ideals and practices. Feminist publishing cannot compete in terms of scale or influence and feminist writers and feminists in publishing have to contend with the issue of marginality — both ideological and pragmatic — in a male-dominated area. ‘Book publishing, like all industries, is controlled by rich, white heterosexual men’. (West, 1978:6)     

Reconstructing social spaces: The rhetoric of the public/ private split

The article deals with the public/private distinction as a hidden spatialization that regulates the social. It looks at restructurations of the distinction; at changes and their political consequences in terms of ongoing rhetorical boundary work. The naming or coding of something as public or private is in itself a cultured process. The distinction is used in various meanings and within multiple discursive repertoires. What is named as public or private also varies in time and in space. Although variable and contextual, the coding always carries social value; it structures the societal positions of people. Furthermore, the coding also carries meanings that are not translatable. “Things” do not mean the same in different places. Comparing cultures becomes problematic.     

revolutionary marriage: on the politics of sexual stories in Naxalbari

Marriage practices, the dynamics of interpersonal relationships and the politics of sexuality are relatively under-researched themes in the study of Bengali communism. Historical scholarship on the revolutionary politics of the extreme left Naxalbari andolan of the late 1960s–1970s, the object of this piece of study, is no exception. The article engages with women and men's narratives on the practice of ‘revolutionary’ marriage in the movement through the prism of contemporary popular memory studies and narrative analysis. Drawing on field interviews with middle-class male and female activists, the article draws attention to the contestatory nature of marriage in the collective memory of the movement. Narrative contestations over marriage in the Naxalite movement underscore, I argue, a tension between a utopian ideal of transgressive interpersonal relations and dominant middle-class codes of sexual morality. At the same time, individual attempts to ‘compose’ (in storytelling) socially recognizable and acceptable subject positions are grounded upon the silencing and abjection of more risky memories. Given the discrepancies and contradictions within the narrative repertoire from which individuals construct their identities, these ‘marriage stories’ are a tremendous resource for investigating the politics of love, sexuality and subject-formation in middle-class Bengali society.     

Out of the mainstream: water rights,politics and identity

ABSTRACT

Indigenous maize from Mexico has become crucial for a wave of contemporary agricultural development initiatives seeking to cultivate a ‘Green Revolution for Africa’. Plant breeders developing disease-resistant hybrid maize for Africa use cutting edge technologies like CRISPR-Cas9 to mine the genomes of maize collected in Mexico 75 years ago, during the Green Revolution’s earliest incarnation. Historicizing this transnational linkage, this paper argues that Green Revolution science appropriates indigenous maize through racial logics rooted in whiteness. In the 1940s, American scientists sent by the Rockefeller Foundation to improve Mexico’s agriculture negotiated their own racial subjectivity through their encounters with Mexico’s indigenous people. In the process, they constructed a racial hierarchy that equated whiteness with scientific superiority and indigeneity with underdevelopment. This racialization undergirded a maize program led by E.J. Wellhausen that collected and catalogued hundreds of varieties of Mexico’s maize – and then distributed them to American seed companies. Wellhausen’s seeds formed the genetic backbone for subsequent Green Revolution projects. The ‘white science’ he embodied expanded as the Revolution sought out nonwhite agriculture across the global South. Today, the Green Revolution’s racial logics are re-articulated along its geographical and technological frontier, as indigenous maize provides the seeds for the African Green Revolution.