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1.
This paper examines the reasons for the variable incidence and differing forms of historical sociology in several different historical periods, with a focus on Germany and the USA. It examines the flows of social scientists between those two countries due to forced exile from Nazi Germany, the American military occupation after 1945, and the voluntary exchange of scholars. The article focuses on extrascientific determinants such as political support for historical scholarship and macrosocial crisis or stability, as well as determinants that are more proximate or internal to the scientific field, such as the ongoing struggle between different epistemologies and the ability of historical sociology to sequester itself into a protected subfield. Historical sociology was one of the two poles of German sociology before 1933, whereas historical sociology had only a handful of proponents in the USA at that time. After 1933, the majority of German historical sociologists went into exile, most of them to the USA. For reasons explored here, the historical orientation of these exiled intellectuals had little resonance in the USA until the 1970s. Rather than being epistemologically “domesticated” in the 1980s, as Calhoun (1996) argued, historical sociology established itself as a subfield that is large enough to produce an internal polarization between an autonomous pole that relates mainly to history and other external allies and a heteronomous pole that mimics the protocols that dominate the sociological discipline as a whole, including a neopositivist epistemology of “covering laws” and at attraction to rational choice theory and quantitative methods, or qualitative simulacra of multivariate statistical analysis. In Germany, historical sociology failed to survive the Nazi period. Several leading Weimar-era historical sociologists stayed in Germany after 1933 but were unable to reestablish their prominence either because of their Nazi collaboration or because their work was dismissed by a new generation trained during the Nazi period for presentist, policy-oriented, “American-style”, or else trained in the USA after the war. The handful of exiled historical sociologists who returned to Germany after 1945 were marginalized, stopped working historically, or moved into other disciplines like Political Science. The explanation of these trends has to be multicausal and conjunctural. The influx of historical sociologists to the USA from Germany was unable to produce a historicization of the discipline until 1970s, when positivist hegemony was challenged for other reasons. The crisis of Fordism undermined the social regularities that had made positivist “constant conjunctions” seem plausible and at the same time rendered historicist ontologies more plausible. The neo-Marxist historical sociology gave rise to a neo-institutionalist counter-trend, which was itself eventually countered by a culturalist and conjuncturalist turn (Adams et al. 2005). In Germany, however, the society-wide destabilization of Fordism did not lead to a historicization of sociology. The extinguishing of the Weimar-era historical school in sociology meant that only high theory and “American-style” empirical social research remained as vital options. As a result, the crisis of Fordism and the ensuing social discontinuities and complexities did not give rise to historical sociology but were felt mainly within theory (e.g., the “risk society” theory of Ulrich Beck).  相似文献   

2.
早在今年7月底,东盟与美国签署了<实施加强东盟-美国伙伴关系行动计划框架文件>.该框架文件是2005年11月东盟和美国发表的<关于加强东盟-美国伙伴关系联合声明>的后续行动计划,涵盖了2006年至2010年东盟和美国全面加强双边关系与合作的行动安排.  相似文献   

3.
美、德、日三国残疾人社会保障法律制度概览   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当今世界,社会保障已成为各国公民的一项基本权利,残疾人社会保障在整个保障体系中的地位也日渐提升。社会保障作为一种文明社会共同的制度选择,自然存在着一些共同的质的规定性,  相似文献   

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中德职业教育之比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王玉霞 《当代世界》2009,(10):59-61
中国和德国职业教育的发展历程中国的职业教育经历了漫长的发展过程,学徒制是古代职业教育的遗产。明代中叶,资本主义萌芽在江南各地陆续出现,产生了实业教育。20世纪50年代,曾经有过“双元制”的影子,许多国有大中型企业都办有职业技术学校,  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Refugee children are exposed to numerous risk factors resulting from war, genocide and resettlement, and are facing multiple difficulties to cope with the resettlement process. These challenges set refugee children apart from the mainstream community and can stifle their overall adjustment and development. Unfortunately, policy makers have paid little attention to the caring for refugee children during their initial resettlement. This paper examines systematic barriers to refugee children's successful resettlement in the U.S., and presents a child-centered framework as an option to better address the needs of refugee children, and offers recommendations for policy changes and effective social work practice.  相似文献   

10.
Comparative studies of the NICs usually show that their success at exporting manufactures to the North is unrelated to the role of intrafirm trade and subcontracting in their exports, since in some very successful NICs intrafirm trade has played a small and diminishing role. This study explores hyptheses suggesting why intrafirm trade and subcontracting may become more important factors in NIC exports because of the changing composition of their exports, changing technology, and developed country protectionism. Data on the share of eight developing countries' manufactured exports to the United States under offshore assembly provision (OAP) item 807.00 are tested for their changing importance to export growth over the period 1970 to 1984. For all NICs, the share of their exports to the United States under OAP became more positively related to export performance in the 1980s than it had been in the 1970s. For Asian NICs, non-OAP exports continued to outperform OAP exports.  相似文献   

11.

William Chapman, Inside the Philippine Revolution: The New People's Army and Its Struggle for Power. (New York: W.W. Norton &; Company, 1987), 288 pp., ISBN 0–393–02461‐X, $18.95.

Gregg R. Jones, Red Revolution: Inside the Philippine Guerrilla Movement. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1989), 360 pp. ISBN 0–8133–0644–2, $26.95.

Richard J. Kessler, Rebellion and Repression in the Philippines. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 227 pp. ISBN 0–300–04406–2, $25.00.

Taria Rauf and Peter Gizewski, Naval Arms Control: Implications for the Arctic Ocean Region of Limits on Attack Submarines and Cruise Missiles. (Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Arms Control and Disarmament, 1992), 50 pp., $5.50.

Lori Fisler Damrosch and David J. Scheffer (Eds.), Law and Force in the New International Order. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991).

Lawrence Freedman and Efraim Karsh, The Gulf Conflict 1990–91: Diplomacy and War in the New World Order (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).

Michael J. Mazarr, Don M. Snider, James A. Blackwell, Jr., Desert Storm: The Gulf War and What We Learned (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993).

Jeffrey E. Garten, A Cold Peace: America, Japan, Germany and the Struggle for Supremacy. A Twentieth Century Fund Book. (New York: Times Books, 1992/1993). 276 pp.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Despite the use of the same vocabulary and seemingly similar agendas, the experience of these three countries cannot be comprehended without attention to the different contexts in which the countries operate. This paper focuses on the experience in these three English speaking countries dealing with the structure or context of the institutional arrangements, the process of defining outcomes, issues related to timing, availability and investment in data systems, predominant values that are at play, experience with gaming, and accountability arrangements. It provides thumbnail sketches of the framework and experience of these three countries and compares their experience in performance management. While there are significant differences that emerge from contextual variety, there are some shared dynamics in the three systems. I call these “normal tensions” in the system. Yet these tensions have been largely ignored in the performance management movement.  相似文献   

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在中美科技博弈的背景下,新兴技术治理的实际效能兼具重要的经济价值和国际政治意涵。同时,新兴技术的高度不确定性对美国既有技术治理体系和能力提出全面挑战。美国新兴技术治理表现出明显的保护主义和技术民族主义倾向,服从并服务于其国家安全战略。新兴技术的革命性导致美国技术治理能力全面滞后于技术发展速度;国内治理体系碎片化且缺少有效协调机制的现实,制约着新兴技术治理的实际进程;全球范围内技术治理安全化的倾向严重阻碍着技术治理的国际合作,也阻碍美国与盟友之间的合作。拜登政府积极致力于实现美国技术治理体系和能力的现代化,试图采取多边主义策略对中国新兴技术发展进行限制和封锁;极有可能在坚持刚性措施的同时突出强调弹性措施在未来美国新兴技术治理中的优先等级;试图通过重建总统科技顾问委员会以及审查政府科学诚信政策等手段,重塑科学及科学家在新兴技术治理中的核心地位,突出“技术怀疑论”并对新兴技术发展采取更为严格的审查和监管措施,并可能重新确立基础研究在新兴技术治理中的基础性作用。  相似文献   

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早在抗日战争时期,美国就同中国共产党有过交往,当时美军观察组就长驻延安.中华人民共和国成立前夕,美国驻国民党政府大使司徒雷登在南京同中国共产党代表黄华就中美关系问题进行了谈判,由于美方坚持其帝国主义立场,使这次谈判无果而终,1949年8月2日,司徒雷登灰溜溜地离开南京,取道冲绳返回美国.  相似文献   

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The purpose of this highly speculative article is to assess a broad range of possible developments in Cuba over the next five to seven years that could directly and adversely affect U.S. interests. By definition, therefore, it does not provide equal treatment to more optimistic and, salubrious scenarios. A key assumption is that the Cuban economy will not sustain a strong rebound to high levels of growth. Specific observations about how security challenges might impact certain U.S. government activities are also included according to the article’s terms of reference. No attempt is made to assign numerical or other probabilities to the counterfactual cases discussed. Finally, the future time frame examined includes treatments of a continuation of Fidel Castro's regime as well as the emergence of one or more successor governments. Brian Latell has been teaching courses on Cuba and Latin America at, Georgetown University for the past twenty-one years. He has written and lectured on Cuba, Mexico, and U.S. Foreign Intelligence Issues. In 1998 he co-editedEye in the Sky: The Story of the Corona Spy Satellites, published by the Smithsonian Press. He served as National Intelligence Officer for Latin America at the National Intelligence Council between 1990–1994. From 1994–1998 he was Director of the Center for the Study of Intelligence at CIA and chaired the Editorial Board ofStudies In Intelligence. Last year he retired from government service, and was awarded the Distinguished Intelligence Medal.  相似文献   

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司徒雷登再会黄华援蒋问题激烈交锋 司徒雷登与黄华会晤的消息不胫而走,在南京外交界引起很大反响,各种猜测莫衷一是.传言称,司徒雷登已与中共取得了联系,要求其他外国使馆同美国一起行动等等.其他使节也争先恐后地要求与黄华见面.  相似文献   

20.
The changing dynamics of international politics such as the expansion of the European Union, the growing importance of Asia, and the post-11 September environment have raised great concern about US soft power all over the world. At the governmental level, transpacific relationships may have encouraged military, economic and sociopolitical collaboration. The Asians' perceptions about US soft power at the individual level, however, may not be consistent with the governmental level. By using the 2003 AsiaBarometer survey, this article examines the factors that contribute to individuals' perceptions about US soft power in seven Asian nations – China, India, Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Three main factors – military, economic and sociopolitical – are considered. Higher assistance by the US government engenders positive responses from the respondents. For causal relationships, economic and sociopolitical variables, rather than the military variable, enforce individuals' positive perceptions about US soft power, according to the multilevel estimates.  相似文献   

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