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Claudia Moscovici 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》1997,10(3):469-496
In the play of Forces this law showed itself to be precisely this absolute transition and pure change; the self-same viz Force splits into an antithesis which at first appears to be an independent difference, but which in fact proves to be none; for it is the self-same which repels itself from itself, and therefore what is repelled is essentially self-attractive, for it is the same; the difference created since it is no difference ... is nothing else but the self-same that has repelled itself from itself, and therefore merely posits an antithesis which is none. (Hegel,The Phenomenology of Spirit, section 156, 96)If there is not double desire, the positive and negative poles divide themselves between two sexes instead of establishing a chiasmus or a double loop in which each can go toward the other and come back to itself. If the positive and negative poles are not found in both, the same always attracts, while the other remains in motion but lacks a proper place. What is missing is the double pole of attraction and support, which excludes disintegration and rejection, attraction and decomposition, but which instead insures the separation that articulates every encounter, promises, alliances. (Luce Irigaray,An Ethics of Sexual Difference, 9) 相似文献
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Development discourse has focused on gendered dimensions of poverty, demonstrating how parastatal poverty alleviation programmes target women as aid recipients while devaluing their productive and reproductive work. However, seldom analysed is how privatisation of social services and proliferation of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have impacted women. We explore this in a Guatemalan community where we find that although NGOs discursively commit to ‘alternative’ development approaches, on the ground they reproduce elements of a neoliberal subjectivity akin to parastatal programmes. NGOs additionally configure aid disbursement as gift giving, requiring beneficiaries to assume affective postures of gratitude, and facilitating intrusion into women’s lives. 相似文献
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冷战后尼泊尔共产党(联合马列)的新变化 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
张光平 《当代世界与社会主义》2006,(2):15-20
冷战后,尼泊尔共产党根据其国情适时调整自身的政策纲领和斗争策略,抓住苏东剧变后尼泊尔进入民主化时期的机遇,联合其他政党,或参与政府或单独执政,成为尼泊尔国家政治生活和尼泊尔共产主义运动中的一支不可忽视的重要力量。而这些成就的取得与冷战后尼泊尔共产党自身发生的一些新变化密不可分。这些变化表现在组织建设、思想理论以及党的纲领路线及各个政策领域方面。 相似文献
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Vladimir Kontorovich 《欧亚研究》2014,66(5):811-829
A substantial body of literature argues that government funding motivated by the Cold War shaped (or distorted) the content of the American academic disciplines. This article tests the impact of such funding on the academic study of the Soviet economy, a small field created to help fight the Cold War. It documents the amount of attention given by researchers to the military sector of the Soviet economy, the topic of central importance for the Cold War, and finds that their publications largely ignored it. Considerations other than the interests of the sponsors determined the choice of topics in the discipline. 相似文献
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Vincent Barnett 《欧亚研究》2009,61(5):797-812
This article examines the particular methods of war finance that were used by Russia during World War One in relation to the total cost of the war, and evaluates them against a theoretical ideal that was outlined by the Cambridge economist J. M. Keynes. It then asks whether there were any consequences of two particular chosen means of financing the war—the issue of large amounts of paper currency and short-term treasury bills—for maintaining Russian economic stability. The evaluations of a number of Russian and British economists are used as gauges of Keynes's advice, and also as more general comparison in relation to the equivalent policies pursued by other Allied countries. 相似文献
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冷战后的世界秩序 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
李怀义 《当代世界与社会主义》2003,(4):9-12
冷战结束后 ,世界格局变换 ,全球化进程加快 ,使冷战后的世界政治表现出了明显的无序性。美国单边主义政策和追求单极霸权的战略 ,破坏了原有的国际合作体制 ,伊拉克战争更是表明了美国的“帝国”野心 ,这将使建立以联合国为核心的国际合作的世界新秩序变得更为艰难 ,但历史的方向不会改变 相似文献
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