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The Great Arab Revolt of 2011 has moved swiftly from the peaceful overthrow of autocrats in the nation‐states of Tunisia and Egypt to brutal repression in the tribal societies of Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen. Meanwhile, the wired youth bulge of the Middle East that brought change is dissipating into an impotent diaspora while the organized interests of the old regimes and the once‐suppressed Islamists charge ahead to power. This section examines the revolt, the reaction and the power struggles in its aftermath.  相似文献   

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最近,非洲有两个国家的政局发生激烈动荡并最终引发了军事冲突,一个是北非的利比亚,另一个是西非的科特迪瓦。国际社会对此予以高度关注,多方寻求解决危机的政治途径。  相似文献   

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In Discipline and Punish Foucault famously declares that our society is one not of spectacle, but of surveillance. Our theoretical aim in this paper is to problematize Foucault's strict demarcation between spectacle and surveillance through an analysis of urban mega-events. In the process, we detail emerging features of contemporary mega-events that shape and are shaped by shifts in the field of security and surveillance more broadly. Three dynamics in particular warrant consideration: the move toward a precautionary logic among security planners, a semiotic shift wherein security iconography is integrally bound up with the production of contemporary urban spectacles, and various forms of security and surveillance legacies that circulate beyond the spatial and temporal frame of the event itself. While mega-events support Foucault's assertion of the dispersal of discipline across the social field, they also suggest that this dispersal occurs in concert with, not in spite of, the power of the spectacle in contemporary society.  相似文献   

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Conceptualizations of cyberspace security can be divided into two related dimensions, articulated as "risks": risks to the physical realm of computer and communication technologies (risks to cyberspace); and risks that arise from cyberspace and are facilitated or generated by its technologies, but do not directly target the infrastructures per se (risks through cyberspace). There is robust international consensus, growing communities of practice, and an emerging normative regime around risks to cyberspace. This is less the case when it comes to risks through cyberspace. While states do collaborate around some policy areas, cooperation declines as the object of risk becomes politically contestable and where national interests vary widely. These include the nature of political opposition and the right to dissent or protest, minority rights and independence movements, religious belief, cultural values, or historical claims. The contrast between the domains has led to contradictory tendencies and paradoxical outcomes.  相似文献   

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Toward a Political Economy of Development: A Rational Choice Perspective. Edited by Robert H. Bates. Berkeley, Los Angeles, CA and London: University of California Press, 1988. Pp.x + 393. $48.50 and $14.95. ISBN (not provided for HB edition) and 0 520 06052 0.

Politics and Class Analysis. By Barry Hindess. Oxford and New York: Basil Blackwell, 1987. Pp.136. £29.95 (hardback); £7.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 631 15067 6.

Farmers’ Movements in India. By M.V. Nadkarni. Ahmedabad: Allied Private Publishers, 1987. Pp.xiv + 237. Rs.100.  相似文献   

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自2017年美、日、印、澳“四方安全对话”重新启动以来,其虽然只开展了少量且缺乏实质性内容的行动,却引发了大量讨论和高度的政策关注。纵观这一对话的发展演变可以看出,四国之间的某些共识构成了其重启后的显著特点,如更明确地将目标指向中国、以“民主价值观”作为秩序构建的出发点、服务于美国“印太战略”的需要以及开始将关注重点延伸至发展和治理领域等。基于这些新特点,“四方安全对话”在近三年来的实践中提升了四国之间的战略联系和协同作战能力、从议题领域和地理范围两个维度拓展了四国的战略合作、在外交上释放了四国团结一致的政治信号,并强化了美国主导的地区安全结构,从而对“印太”地缘环境产生了不容忽视的影响。尽管从组织内部以及次区域战略环境角度分析,“四方安全对话”的前景仍有很大的不确定性,但考虑到这一新的地缘战略安排针对中国的目标指向性,以发展的眼光看待并审慎地予以应对,是中国从外交上塑造地区和平秩序、维护国家安全和发展利益的应有之义。  相似文献   

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2008年,国际安全形势依然保持总体和平、局部紧张的基本态势,但是各类非传统安全挑战以前所未有的力度和广度冲击着国际和平与稳定。  相似文献   

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一、粮食供应稳定:中国的敏感 像诸多国际政治研究中的非传统安全课题一样,粮食安全是审视中国与外部世界的关联及互动的重要课题。2007-2008年间,全球出现了又一轮粮食危机。其显著表征是国际市场的玉米、大米和小麦的平均价格翻了两番甚至三番。由于在谷物品种中,玉米、大米和小麦与满足人类的日常营养需求的相关度更高,所以,其价格超常规波动对一些高度依赖进口的国家造成了冲击,  相似文献   

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卢静 《当代世界》2010,(10):59-61
国际安全体系是国际体系的重要组成部分,也是其核心内容。它指的是国际体系中的行为体为维护国家安全和国际和平与稳定而相互影响、相互作用,从而形成一个由特定行为规范和运行机制构成的整体。国际安全体系具有相对的稳定性,但也处在动态变化中。  相似文献   

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非传统安全作为国家安全的重要组成部分,已成为国家间的共识。如何在非传统安全领域实现合作,实现国家间的共赢,实现国家安全的最大化已成为需要人们认真思考的重要问题。在众多影响因素中,国家权力或许是最为重要的。  相似文献   

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安全理论可分为传统安全理论、半传统安全理论和非传统安全理论。非传统安全理论的主要特征是其安全的指涉对象、主导价值方面与传统安全理论分道扬镳,反对现实主义的国家安全观和军事/政治安全观。同时,非传统安全理论在核心概念与理论逻辑等方面又各不相同,组成了一个多元化、松散性的理论聚合体。但其开放的边界、活跃的思想也正是其力量的源泉,这为今后的非传统安全研究提供了丰富的养料。  相似文献   

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刘强 《国际展望》2011,(3):70-82
特殊的地缘政治关系和历史宿怨等问题,使得中日韩三国军事安全困境并未消除,甚至有所加深。制约中日韩军事安全合作深入发展的最大障碍,既有现实的领土争端问题,也有互信的缺失和国家情感与民族情绪问题,更有美国在东亚的军事同盟所造成的消极影响。而消除中日韩安全困境的途径尽管存在但难度极大,这种状况一定程度上制约了三国间军事安全合作的深入发展。但是,在全球化的背景下,三国也的确存在着共同的安全利益,只要三国能够在以中国倡导的新安全观问题上达成共识,真正拥有超越历史积怨的未来视野、超越冷战思维的战略智慧和超越自我的勇敢和自信,三国在一些关乎世界安全的重大领域中的军事合作仍然存在可能,尽管这种合作可能是有限的,但仍能为维护东亚乃至世界的和平与稳定发挥重大作用。  相似文献   

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Abstract

The International Civil Aviation Organization in the last twenty years has marshaled support of the overwhelming majority of its 150 member states in developing security programs and establishing a legal framework of international cooperation against terrorism in international aviation. The Tokyo Convention of 1963 establishes jurisdiction over offenses while an aircraft is in flight and grants a wide spectrum of powers to the aircraft commander to restrain a passenger. The Hague Convention of 1970 obliges states to punish the unlawful seizure of aircraft with severe penalties and to either extradite the offender or try him. The Montreal Convention of 1971 establishes a system of suppression of acts against aircraft, covering mostly acts on the ground that might endanger an aircraft in flight, and requires states to take practicable measures to prevent such offenses. In the past few years the number of countries adhering to these pacts and instituting improved security measures has increased significantly. Accompanying this trend has been a downward trend in acts of unlawful interference and seizure of aircraft to 147 in the 1978–1980 period compared to 245 in the 1969–1971 period. Nevertheless, only steadfast efforts by all nations can complete the job of eliminating unlawful interference with international civil aviation.  相似文献   

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冷战时期日本的安保政策主要是在<日本国宪法>和<日美安保条约>的框架之下制定并付诸实施的.冷战结束以后,特别是"9·11"事件后,日本的安保政策则进入了一个不断变化的过程,在美国的体恤扶持下自主意识逐步增强,向着趋于自主的方向迈进.  相似文献   

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