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It is commonly observed that the economic position of women seems particularly precarious in countries where political Islam is on the ascendant. The usual interpretation is that the first condition is a result of the second. Drawing on evidence from a wide variety of countries, but particularly Indonesia, this paper demonstrates that Islamic doctrines are by no means universal, that they do not invariably discriminate against women in economic terms. A review of the recent economic and political changes leading to the rise of political Islam and changes in female labour market participation patterns suggests that establishing a causal relationship between the two is problematic and can be misleading. Evidence from Indonesia challenges ideological reductionism based on stereotypical assumptions about the impact of Islam to explain women's economic roles.2  相似文献   

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恐怖活动犯罪是犯罪发展史上迄今为止最具有危险性的一种严重暴力犯罪。当前恐怖活动犯罪有犯罪主体多元化、动机多样化、犯罪手段科技化、犯罪的后果严重化、恐怖活动地区化国际化等特点。预防、减少恐怖活动犯罪须强化全民的反恐意识、建立反恐专业队伍、健全反恐怖活动犯罪的法律体系、加强地区、国家间的反恐合作力度等多方面努力。  相似文献   

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20世纪80年代以后,伴随着伊朗伊斯兰革命的成功,伊斯兰原教旨主义便以燎原之势迅速在中东地区蔓延开来,冷战的结束也并未使之平息.相反,传统意识形态的淡化反倒使原教旨主义异军突起,成为冷战后时代一支不可忽视的政坛新军.  相似文献   

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In contradistinction to existing typologies of terrorist organizations by ideology or intent, a functional classification is suggested. By analyzing terrorist groups according to their target population and base of operation, four basic types of organizations are delineated: Domestic‐based xenofighters, foreign‐based xenofighters, domestic‐based homofighters, and foreign‐based homofighters. On the basis of the operational objectives and specific limitations of these types of terrorist groups, it is proposed that xenofighters tend to adopt more indiscriminate tactics than homofighters, and that foreign‐based groups tend to perpetrate international terrorism, and are dependent on foreign countries’ support. Whereas the struggle against foreign‐based terrorists must focus on reducing the sponsoring countries’ motivation to support them, the battlefield regarding domestic‐based groups is home public opinion.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Introducing the special issue, this introduction sketches a broad frame for studying public justification. Addressing the relevance of studying this phenomenon, we contend that justificatory processes are very much at the core today’s politics. Defining the concept inclusively, we highlight the relevance of communicative agency and, at the same time, the salience of communicative contexts that enable this agency. Casting our net widely, we show how public justification is related to other, more thoroughly studied concepts, such as legitimacy, authority and power. Encouraging students of public justification to add to our understanding of justificatory processes, we highlight multiple fruitful methodological avenues for studying the concept.  相似文献   

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This article treats terrorist organizations as political interest groups. Starting from the assumption that terrorists are rational political actors, it follows that organizational considerations will play a role in the formation and decline of terrorist groups, just as is the case in other political organizations. The effects of several factors, including recruitment, ability to provide selective and purposive incentives, the need for entrepreneurial political leadership, competition from other organizations, the ability to attract outside support, and the ability to form coalitions with other groups, are considered.  相似文献   

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Terrorists realize that ideological commitment to their organizational goals is a prerequisite to their survival as an effective fighting force. Consequently, they carefully avoid undertaking any intentional action which might fall beyond the umbrella of a real or a contrived popular cause. Thus, the terrorist has learned how to skillfully manipulte social conditions and grievances and execute specific criminal acts gauged to impact upon a preselected target audience. Additionally the management practices, cellular and columnar structures, personnel selection and internal control measures utilized by the terrorist are intended to enhance the effective and efficient achievement of his organizational goals and objectives. However, the American police, particularly, have caused terrorist groups to adjust their methods of operation, style of organization, and to carefully regulate and restrict their membership. The increased sophistication of the police, therefore, particularly in the areas of communication, mobility, and information, seems to have greatly impaired the organization and extension of terrorist groups in the United States.  相似文献   

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英国标准时间7月7日上午,伦敦这座美丽的城市刚刚品尝到申奥成功的喜悦--赢得2012年夏季奥运会的举办权、成为迄今为止惟一三次获得奥运会举办权的城市,人们还没来得及为胜利尽情欢呼与庆祝,一场突如其来的连环恐怖袭击就降临了:位于市中心的5个地铁站几乎同时发生爆炸,紧接着地铁站附近的两辆公共汽车又遭到炸弹袭击.爆炸致使多辆公共汽车被毁,所有地铁停运,伦敦交通全面瘫痪.死亡人数达56人,受伤人数升达至700余人.  相似文献   

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It is commonly believed that Islamic fundamentalism is responsible for the low female employment rate in the Middle East and North Africa. I earlier presented evidence from Indonesia indicating that the deteriorating conditions of women's economic role in the 1990s was related to the economic circumstances of the Asian Crisis, not to the rise of political Islam (Bahranitash, 2002). In fact, in Indonesia, increasing support for the Islamic movement was itself spurred by the Asian Crisis. As a contrasting case, I here examine Iran, a country where political Islam has been in power for over two decades. If commonly held views about the impact of the Islamic religion on female employment were true, one would expect a steady or sharp decline of the female employment rate in postrevolutionary Iran. The empirical data show the reverse. Women's formal employment rates increased in the 1990s and did so much faster than they had during the 1960s and 1970s, when a pro-Western secular regime was in power. This sharp increase in women's employment seriously challenges the view that religion explains women's economic status in Muslim countries. The evidence from Iran indicates that the situation of women's employment there has followed a common pattern of elsewhere in the South—an overall increase in female employment. This fact then suggests that the forces of international political economy, rather than religion, appear to be a determining factor in the state of women's economic role in Iran.  相似文献   

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Because of the diversity of terrorist groups and causes, there is no one terrorist “mindset.” Within this diversity it is useful to distinguish two major categories: the “anarchic‐ideologues,” such as the Red Army Faction, committed to destroying the world of their fathers; and the “nationalist‐secessionists,” such as ETA of the Basques, who carry on the mission of their fathers.

There is a tendency for marginal, isolated, and inadequate individuals from troubled family backgrounds to be attracted to the path of terrorism, so that for many, belonging to the terrorist group is the first time they truly belonged, and the group comes to represent family. This creates powerful pressures to conform within the group, for to disagree is to be seen as disloyal, and to risk losing the group. Organized against society, the group is seen as all good, and the outside society as all bad, this being the rationale for committing violent anti‐society acts.  相似文献   

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Since its return in 1979 Ecuador's civilian constitutional government has been marred by continuous political violence. The newest and most dangerous challenge to regime stability has surfaced over the past few years in the domestic terrorist organization, the ¡Alfaro Vive, Carajo! (AVC). Beginning as a small, student‐led subversive group in 1983, the AVC now appears in coordination with the neighboring Colombian M‐19 and Peruvian Sendero Luminoso guerrillas and in cooperation with regional narcotraficantes. Determined government efforts, supported by the United States, have failed decisively to uproot and destroy the AVC.  相似文献   

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影响幼儿暴力行为的原因有多种,但家庭因素的影响起着至关重要的作用。本文通过分析影响幼儿暴力行为产生的家庭因素,尝试寻求预防幼儿暴力行为的家庭措施,以期减少幼儿暴力行为发生的机率。  相似文献   

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