首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
    
  相似文献   

2.
近代西方以建立民族国家(nation-state)为核心价值的民族主义(nationalism)概念,随着西方殖民势力的扩展逐渐为许多人所接受。然而,移居英属马来亚的华族,其归属感经由县邑、方言群发展至涵盖整个中华民族的民族认同时,却发展出具有双重、多重、多样而又具弹性的性质,而非近代西方所强调对单一主权国家作排他性政治认同的民族主义。  相似文献   

3.
俄罗斯民族和国家形成的过程也是俄罗斯民族认同形成的过程,东正教和专制制度分别为民族认同提供了文化和政治方面的基础。在这个过程中,俄罗斯民族的思想也逐渐成熟,以东正教和专制制度思想为特征的政治文化是其中的重要内容。俄罗斯民族正是依靠这种独特的政治文化基础,形成内部自我认同,确立外部自我形象,在众多认同标准中以此为主要指向。  相似文献   

4.
Increasingly, scholars are applying Social Movement Theory to explore how radical Islamist groups strategically employ framing to legitimize the use of violence. What has not been explicitly examined, however, is under what conditions radical frames are more resonant with the public than more moderate alternatives. This article argues that the strength of a particular frame depends on the credibility of the competing claim-makers. Drawing on public opinion polls from the Palestinian Territories, the article shows that the resonance of Hamas’ frames vis-à-vis the peace process between 1993 and 2006 depended on the ability of the Palestinian leadership to maintain its legitimacy. Since the Gaza take-over and Hamas’ shift to a position of leadership rather than opposition party, the organization's inability to deliver in the economic realm or to even feign any progress regarding the peace process damaged its credibility and reputation. Accordingly, its frames vis-à-vis the peace process also started losing their resonance with the public. An understanding of the dynamics of credibility can also help explain the continued moves towards national reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah.  相似文献   

5.
相当多的学者认为意识形态的瓦解导致了苏联的崩溃,但事实上这两者之间并不存在直接的因果关系。由于苏联的国家认同主要建立在马克思主义意识形态基础之上,早期马克思主义的教条化和后期对马克思主义的背离,使官方意识形态不断削弱乃至最终变异,导致人民的国家认同感丧失,苏联作为一个国家才难以为继。  相似文献   

6.
    
This paper proposes a cognitive approach that focuses on the cognitive representations that underpin public support for the European Union. Its objectives are threefold: (1) to describe systems of representation associated with support for the EU; (2) to illustrate the importance of less commonly studied representations, such as liberal cosmopolitan representations; and (3) to demonstrate that at the beginning of the 2000s, the EU often represented greater economic prosperity and/or social protection for many Central, Eastern and Southern European countries, although the situation has changed significantly since then. This paper uses Eurobarometer data from 2004 to 2017 as well as multilevel models to examine how cognitive representations of the EU can explain public support for the EU, including variations across countries.  相似文献   

7.
The 2014 Israel–Gaza war was the third of a string of conflicts to erupt between the State of Israel and Hamas in neighbouring Gaza and quickly became the deadliest for both sides. Even with the extensive media attention this crisis received, calls for more objective reporting were widespread, as locating sources that were not clearly influenced or reflective of political biases seemed near impossible. This paper seeks to explore the role “cultural proximity” plays in informing casualty count reporting in times of conflict. Qualitative content analysis is conducted on news coverage of the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict in the American daily newspaper, The New York Times, and the Israeli daily newspaper, Haaretz, to assess whether significant differences exist in the way casualty figures are addressed across varying degrees of political and cultural involvement. This research reveals that variations in casualty count reporting do indeed exist across cultural and national contexts, and deems this subject worthy of further research.  相似文献   

8.
    
This paper examines political party mobilization on European Union issues during national election campaigns. We consider which actors talk about the EU, specifically which parties and which actors within parties, as well as how these actors talk about the EU, specifically the types of EU issues addressed as well as their framing. We argue that issue‐based strategies and government participation may provide important reasons why parties only mobilize selectively on EU issues. We test our expectations using data from party press releases in Austrian general election campaigns in 2008 and 2013. We find that selective mobilization is most prevalent in terms of content, thus in how parties talk about the EU. This article provides new evidence on the extent of party political contestation over EU issues and shows how strategic incentives limit the ways in which they are incorporated into national politics.  相似文献   

9.
    
《Japan Forum》2012,24(4):458-484
Abstract

In late Meiji Japan, political thought coalesced around an elemental vision in which the geography of the Japanese archipelago offered thinkers evidence of a cultural bond between the Japanese people and the sea that extended backwards into primordial times and forward into an inscrutable future. Public intellectuals looking to establish the roots of Japanese oceanic being turned to the depths of prelapsarian times. The writer Kōda Rohan traced Japanese maritime identity to the earliest extant poetry and recorded myths of the nation. Kimura Takatarō, a translator and critic, centered Japanese oceanic spirit in the depths of ancient myth, tales, and prayer. Both envisioned myth as a medium that offered access to a horizon of experience in which Japanese oceanic identity was grounded. In the waters of the mythical sea, they discovered a space of cultural difference from which the forces of history threatened to estrange them.  相似文献   

10.
生态问题是当今人类社会面临的最具普遍性的存在性问题和可持续发展问题。人类社会发展的一切问题都与生态问题有关,文化也不例外。当全球进入\"后真相、后西方、后秩序\"时代的时候,国家文化安全现代性构成了关于国家文化安全认知系统的新生态特征。文化生态安全是这一现代性的表征。文化生态构成的多重二元结构是文化生态安全构成的结构方式。内部性与外部性文化关系冲突是引发文化生态危机和国家文化安全危机的原因。塑造良好的外部文化环境和内部文化环境是维护和实现国家文化安全的重要文化生态保障。文化多样性是文化生态的存在形态与结构样式,是文化生态平衡的重要保障机制,文化多样性安全是文化生态安全实现的前提。中国要实现和维护国家文化安全,必须在保护文化遗产和文化资源安全的同时,实现从单一时空领域里的文化安全走向系统整体范畴的文化安全,在生态文明系统整体安全观的基础上,建构国家文化安全现代性的新认知系统。  相似文献   

11.
全球化进程既是机遇亦是挑战,世界格局也因此而发生了深刻的变革。机遇意味着发展,不同文化之间的竞争也随之愈演愈烈。在不同文明的交融和碰撞中,国家文化的安全问题凸显出来。国际格局呈现出多极化趋势,文化间的交流与合作是时代的潮流,但是国际环境依然存在不确定性因素,威胁世界和平的单边主义、霸权主义和强权政治等国际因素依然活跃。复杂多变的国际形势要求维护国家文化安全,跨文化翻译涉及文化间的交流,对文化安全负有责任。跨文化翻译工作者应当树立起文化安全意识,并将其与跨文化语境意识结合起来,从国家文化安全的立场出发,提升翻译的语言水平,尊重文化差异,灵活运用“归化”和“异化”的翻译策略,形成具有中国文化特色的英语表达模式。跨文化翻译事业要重点塑造和维护国家形象,积极参与国际对话,提升中国的国际话语权,还要吸收其他国家优秀的文化成果,增强中国文化的国际影响力和感召力,打破“沉默的螺旋”。跨文化翻译要始终坚持中国传统文化的民族性和先进性。在推进翻译事业的过程中,维护中国语言文字安全、风俗习惯安全、价值观安全和生活方式安全,从而全面提升中国文化的软实力,坚定中国模式和文化产品的自信心。跨文化翻译事业将融入中国走向世界的进程,通过对精品文化的内外流通严格把关,为国家的文化安全建设保驾护航。  相似文献   

12.
This article examines how media framed the deadly stampede that killed several dozen people gathered to celebrate a festival in Ethiopia. News articles published by 14 national media (N=21) and 116 international media (N=117) on October 2 and 3, 2016 were collected and comparative content analysis was carried out between April and May 2017. Conflict, attribution of responsibility and political consequences frames dominated the coverage. The differences observed in the use of conflict, responsibility and morality frames by national and international media were statistically significant. The differences in the appearance of political consequences and human-interest frames in national and international media were not statistically significant. In terms of coverage pattern, the themes of headlines of almost all the news articles published on the first day after the incident focused on deaths of people whereas the second day headlines diverged to deaths, mourning, unrest that followed, and other issues as the media found additional facts to organise strong and compelling frames to influence the audience. Based on the findings, this article generalises that national and international media cover the same disaster from different perspectives—national media promote national interest whereas international media emphasise conflict.  相似文献   

13.
    
To reverse the downturn in and develop EU–China relations requires mutual understanding. However, the opaque nature of Chinese politics makes it difficult to track China's expectations and its changing views of the EU and their relationship. This paper examines the official Chinese media discourse on the EU's ‘actorness’ and partnership with China. This helps to bridge the gap between international relations and media studies by linking government foreign relations to media discourse. It argues that China's relations with the EU should be characterized neither as a case of a ‘Capability–Expectations Gap’ (Hill, 1993 ) nor as an ‘Expectation Deficit’ (Tsuruoka, 2008 ), but should rather be seen as a matter of ‘Reflexive Expectations’ by China. The media analysis shows that China's changing national identity, interests and perception of the EU's capability at various times and in various situations influence expectations.  相似文献   

14.
受人类文化心理机制影响,"自己—异己"对立思维模式中的异己形象在社会群体间的对立与冲突中,往往会演变为敌人形象。"外族敌人"是俄罗斯文化中的一个重要概念,它在社会转型时期成为加强民族认同的重要因素,反映了俄罗斯民族的独特心理特征。  相似文献   

15.
The 2011 protest wave, encompassing the Arab Spring revolutions, the Indignados movement in Spain and Greece, and the Occupy Wall Street movement has often been described as a new global protest cycle. However, the dynamics of diffusion suggest a more complex picture. Transmission of protest frames and repertoires from one country and cultural region to another was quite slow and tortuous. Moreover, adoption of the new ideas and practices of protest spawned by the protest wave of 2011 involved laborious dynamics of cultural translation and domestication. This situation points to the continuing importance of local protest cultures and cultural contexts, in addition to channels of transmission, even in an era of instantaneous communication technologies.  相似文献   

16.
    
Three types of relations are entangled nowadays in dealing with issuesconcerning national cultural security on both the theoretical and practical levels: (1) therelation between one’s own culture and that of other ethnic groups; (2) the relationbetween advanced and underdeveloped parts of culture; (3) the relation between one’sethnic culture and so-called foreign advanced culture as related to the previous two.Accordingly, three modes of thinking are likely adopted in handling issues concerningnational cultural security: to antagonize one’s own culture with that of other ethnicgroups, that is, taking the “me or you” attitude; to dualize cultures as the “advanced”and the “underdeveloped”, that is, believing things to be good if not bad, or viceversa; and to assert that the ethnic are the advanced, that is, taking the “only-megood”stance. It is a very demanding job to maintain national culture and to pursuecultural development at the same time. Only when cultures are grouped into thosewithout distinction between the advanced and the underdeveloped and those withsuch distinction can the relation between the ethnic and the advanced be properlyhandled. With the former, it is essential to maintain the ethnicity of one’s own culturebefore the cultural security is safeguarded. With the latter, however, the pursuit ofadvanced cultures and the advocacy of the advanced part of a particular culture is akey to ensuring and safeguarding the national cultural security. Hence, it is importantto enhance the public awareness of cultural security, and more essentially for thegovernment to offer scientifi cally appropriate orientation towards cultural security andto frame related policies.  相似文献   

17.
现今从理论上思考和从实际上处理国家文化安全问题时,始终有三大关系纠缠在一起:一是本族文化与异族文化的关系;二是先进文化与落后文化的关系;三是集中反映了前两种关系的文化民族性与文化先进性的关系。与此相应,在处理国家文化安全问题时也有三种不同思维方式,一是把\"本族\"与\"异族\"对立起来的思维方式,即\"我-你\"对立的思维方式;二是把\"先进\"与\"落后\"绝对化的思维方式,即\"好-坏\"二元化的思维方式;三是\"民族性\"与\"先进性\"综合考虑的思维方式,即\"我-好\"综合的思维方式。保持文化的民族特色和追随文化的时代进步,始终是一种需要很好处理却又难以很好处理的重大关系。只有在把文化从整体上区分为\"没有先进落后之别的文化\"和\"具有先进落后之别的文化\"两大类的基础上,才能处理好文化安全中的民族性与先进性关系问题。对\"没有先进落后之别的文化\",大力保持特色文化或文化的民族性,是维护和保障国家文化安全的本质要求;对\"具有先进落后之别的文化\",大力追随先进文化或文化的先进性,是维护和保障国家文化安全的关键。在文化安全实践中需要公民个体提高文化自觉和文化安全意识,但更重要的是政府必须有科学、正确和恰当的文化安全政策和文化安全导向。  相似文献   

18.
    
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):67-83
Abstract

In January 1893 the journal Waseda bungaku diagnosed a ‘historical fever’. The term described an increased preoccupation with history among the educated public, which found expression in books and articles and a number of new history journals. Although this ‘history boom’ was part of a long‐term phenomenon, the early 1890s were remarkable in two ways. First, intellectuals representing different generations, educational backgrounds and disciplines were involved in heated debates about how history should be studied and represented. Second, the commentators reflected on the boom and its aftermath with a striking self‐consciousness even while it was in progress. Over the next months Waseda bungaku and other publications reported regularly on the boom and the debates it generated. By summer 1893 its climax had passed and the same journals spoke of a ‘desolation’ that history was falling into and discussed its reasons.

This article traces the ‘boom’ and following ‘desolation’ as experienced by commentators mainly in Waseda bungaku, Shikai and Kokugakuin zasshi and explains it by placing it in the context of the emerging modern nation state and the formation of the professional academic discipline of history.  相似文献   

19.
任何文化都存在于一定的时间中,文化安全在时间驱动下发生变化,时间因素对文化安全产生何种影响,它是否会侵蚀、威胁文化安全,文章围绕三个问题展开了递进的分析。首先,时间通过对社会结构的改变而对文化安全产生了显性的影响。时间结构和时间维度的变革,为社会结构和社会文化带来了一系列的影响和后果:文化的商品化和碎片化;人文主义衰微,文化的自主性受到威胁;时间问题带来了价值秩序的重构,短期性和即刻满足受到偏爱;文化失去批判能力,成为娱乐。其次,时间自身及其围绕它的变化对文化安全产生了的隐性但却是根本性的影响。在多变且不确定的情况下,行为主体对时间的感知和与之的关系都是疏离的,这种脱位意味着文化被从其扎根的环境中抽取出来,文化根基被削弱、文化空间减少,从而使文化失去发展自身的权利和能力,高度的变化性和不确定性过度磨损文化的再生产能力。最后,关于文化的能动性问题,即是否存在着文化对时间的反作用力。其结论是,文化是时间背后的\"沉默的规范力量\"。这样的认识能够帮助我们提高应对文化安全议题的自觉性,从文化之中寻求文化安全问题的解决办法。透过时间的视角,可以看到一定的文化的稳定性是文化安全的重要保障。在快速变化的现代社会中,文化安全议题尤显重要。  相似文献   

20.
    
Abstract

Intentional destruction of cultural heritage is a well-known phenomenon which has been particularly exacerbated in recent times. Its common denominator is represented by the intent to persecute the communities for which that heritage represents an essential element of their cultural identity and distinctiveness. In legal terms, it produces different implications, to the point that – depending on the circumstances in which it is perpetrated – it may be qualified as a war crime, crime against humanity, violation of internationally recognised human rights, or evidence of the existence of the intent to commit genocide. Since the whole international community is seriously affected by the destruction of cultural heritage, it is indispensable that the doctrine of responsibility to protect (R2P) be put into practice seriously and effectively with the purpose of protecting humanity against the irreplaceable loss of its heritage.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号