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The policy network literature has provided important insight into the way in which public policy is made in Western societies. Most network studies have focused on processes within networks and have paid little attention to the conceptualization of policy outcomes and the theoretical link between network type and policy type. This article defines and categorizes environmental policy and suggests a proposition on the link between network types and environmental policy types. It is argued that the existence of tight and closed policy communities in sectors subject to environmental regulation is associated with the introduction of low cost environmental policies. In contrast, open and loose issue networks are associated with high cost environmental policies.  相似文献   

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Policy networks are advanced as an alternative to the Westminster model of the UK polity but the theory lacks an internal dynamic and has typological problems. This article applies Peter Hall's (1993) concept of 'social learning' to policy networks and maps the networks found in two case studies of British economic policy making: Hall's own study of the shift from Keynesianism to monetarism in the 1970s and the author's research on the advent of 'Keynesian-plus' in the early 1960s. The article advances three main propositions. Firstly, that integrating the concept of social learning can dynamize the policy network model. Secondly, the case studies suggest that different network configurations are associated with different orders of policy change but that Hall's definition of 'third order change' may be too restrictive. Thirdly, policy networks can be much more complex and fluid then is generally claimed, sometimes becoming so extensive that they might be termed a 'meta-network'.  相似文献   

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This article examines development thinking in the 1970s, when modernisation templates stressing growth and industrialisation gave way to a direct concern for relieving poverty. Although this new direction broke with development paradigms that presented Western history as a model for universal emulation, equity advocates cultivated new forms of presentism that continued to overlook the local histories of developing nations. An increased sense of the ethical urgency of development and demands for immediate practical action hardened the technical and ahistorical biases of development practice.  相似文献   

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This article examines whether reform ideas that gained influence in national-level bureaucracies in the 1970s were also on the United Nations’ internal agenda. The Joint Inspection Unit (Bertrand) Report of 1971 is the focus of this analysis, as it addressed personnel problems in the UN Secretariat and identified structural shortcomings. Our analysis shows that New Public Management ideas were in circulation in the UN at this time. It also demonstrates the different pressures that international bureaucracies face in regard to their personnel. This is likely to make their responses to reform pressures, such as those experienced in the 1970s, unique.  相似文献   

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A methodology for converting terrorist networks from undirected graphs to simplified directed graphs (or digraphs), and mapping the flow of influence in them, is described. It is based on an “influence assumption”—that important persons with more links influence less important persons with fewer links. This methodology, which was previously used to analyze the structure of influence relationships in Communist-bloc countries and the international system, is illustrated by its application to two terrorist networks constructed after 9/11. In the second more complex network, the hierarchy sheds light on the leadership and likely terrorist cells embedded in the network. Refined data and alternative assumptions about influence could provide additional insights into the structure of terrorist networks.  相似文献   

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West Bengal, a major state of eastern India, is conspicuous not only for being ruled by an elected Leftist coalition since 1977 (often described as sound ‘political stability’), but also for its widely acknowledged successes in fertility transition, execution of redistributive land reform and political decentralisation programmes. Ironically, however, the state, in almost all comparative assessments of social, human and infrastructural developments occupies a lagged position vis-à-vis many other states, especially in the south and even against all-India records. This paper seeks to examine this paradox by comprehensively evaluating West Bengal's relative performance in demographic and socio-economic transformations. A well-disciplined grassroots political mobilisation network, and the machinery of the Left Front parties, have been highly instrumental for comparatively fast declines of fertility and population growth and for lasting political stability in an otherwise ‘laggard’ development regime. However, a government geared to ensuring mass electoral support overwhelmingly via a grassroots mobilisation network but, with a relative neglect of social movements, economic infrastructure and human development, is likely to suffer adverse consequences in the longer term.  相似文献   

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"This is a damned funny country. There's one crowd singing 'Wrap the Green Flag Round Me' and another crowd sings 'Rule Britannia' and there's a lot of bloody civil servants up there in Stormont drawing twenty pounds a week and laughing at the lot of us." Comment made in 1939 to Patrick Shea, cited in Shea 1981, p. 205.
This paper offers a summary of research on the Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS) that has been undertaken as part of an ESRC-supported project examining the changing nature of civil services throughout the British Isles. Not since Gladden's seminal work in 1967 have studies of the British Civil Services offered sufficient coverage of the long-existing variations within the UK. The weaknesses in coverage are particularly visible with respect to the Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS), which is accorded either footnote status in most work or even ignored altogether. A compelling case for closing the gap in the literature is underscored by the political devolution that was introduced after 1998. Far from being the unitary state associated with the Westminster model, the UK exhibits the features of a differentiated polity in which figure the contradictory impulses of centralization and fragmentation. In illustrating 'parity with particularity', the civil service arrangements obtaining within the Province of Northern Ireland clearly exemplify the differentiation with the UK. Moreover, with devolved fora now established for both Scotland and Wales, with associated pressure for more distinctive and even separate civil arrangements in each, Northern Ireland's experience offers valuable lessons on how the UK civil service may develop in Scotland and Wales.  相似文献   

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当前大数据、算法、人工智能与政治的相互结合日益加深,给资本主义国家政党政治带来深刻复杂的影响.总体来看,算法政治具有影响隐蔽、相互融合、分歧对抗、地域差异等明显特点.就其影响表现而言,算法政治一方面对资本主义国家政党传统的联系民众、沟通民众及宣传和决策机制产生直接影响,促进了相关政党的不断转型升级;另一方面加剧了不同政...  相似文献   

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The most recent terrorist attacks in Turkey suggest a new phase in the country's war against terrorist groups. Although the PKK has largely been neutralized as a major threat to internal stability, the continued existence of other militant organizations--particularly Islamist groups who appear to be cooperating with elements of al Qaida--suggests continued security problems for the government.‐  相似文献   

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Female employment grew very rapidly in Brazilian manufacturing industry in the 1970s. Contrary to the predictions of some writers, women have not been marginalised from the industrial labour force as a result of dependent development. Among various hypotheses advanced in the literature to explain the sharp rise in female employment, the scarcity of male labour resulting from rapid economic growth is found to be the most convincing. This hypothesis is supplemented by a discussion of both the factors which made large numbers of women available for industrial work and the types of women that found employment in industry in the decade.  相似文献   

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This article intends to unveil some of the main theoretical backgrounds and current tendencies of environmental sociology in Brazil. But we are mainly interested in providing a historical reconstruction of the societal internalization of environmental concerns in Brazil, on both state and civic levels, with an emphasis on the transformations that took place over the 1970–1990s period. We argue that environmental civil associations do not find either a legal idiom or public forums by means of which they could turn their demands and moral concerns into a binding juridical code. This is so because, on the one hand, their moral concerns, even when based on de-traditionalized and abstract principles, are not paralleled with an autonomous legal framework, strong enough to set limits to the functioning of both the political-administrative apparatus as well as to economic actors. As we contend, this helps to explain why the environmental legislation in Brazil is rhetorically manipulated on a regular basis—and, hence, set aside whenever it contradicts other priorities. On the other hand, environmental concerns have always met with difficulties to become a priority in the Brazilian polity. Ultimately, our main goal is to carry out a critical consideration of the theoretical links that are widely set in the field of sociological theory between environmental concerns and modernity.  相似文献   

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During the late 1970s, members of the Polish democratic opposition revised and reinterpreted key elements in the Polish past in support of their contemporary ideas about Polish society and opposition. The birth of the independent press in Poland in 1976 provided these debates with a medium for wide dissemination and discussion. Analysis of democratic opposition debates in the independent press on the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, historic Polish–Russian relations, and the struggle for and achievement of independence in the early twentieth century shed light on the ways in which the democratic opposition perceived Polish society and the legacy of tolerance, diversity, nationalism, and socialism within it. It also reveals the major divisions within the democratic opposition and its primary tactical proposals prior to the birth of the Solidarity trade union in 1980. Forty years later, these debates continue to reverberate.  相似文献   

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