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James Carey 《政治交往》2013,30(2):255-257
Abstract Can the Internet and nondemocratic rule coexist? A number of key features of the Internet can be corrosive to nondemocracies. In particular, the scope and ease of obtaining information on the Web, as well as the communication capabilities available to users, provide the means for undermining the pillars of nondemocratic rule. Furthermore, the decentralized nature of the Internet complicates the task of state control of the medium. Nevertheless, despite the risks that may exist from joining the global computer network, nondemocratic regimes have not shunned this technology because it promises to be the key to development, prosperity, and influence. However, their strategies of containment may prevent a complete usage of the capabilities of the Internet. The case of China illustrates the attractions of the Internet, the measures the ruling Chinese Communist Party has implemented to make this technology politically reliable, and the impact of these measures on the full use of the Internet. 相似文献
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Hanna-Kaisa Hoppania & "entryAuthor " href= "/author/Vaittinen%C+Tiina ">Tiina Vaittinen 《Global Society》2015,29(1):70-88
This article explores “the political” of political economy through an analysis of neoliberalised care. Borrowing Glyn Daly's metaphor of the political economy as a disorganised household, where the “political” disrupts the neat order of the oikonomia, we argue that in neoliberalism care is a central site of the political. Through Foucauldian biopolitics we define commodification as a central logic in the governance of care, and situate it in the wider context of neoliberal governmentality. Conceptualising care as a corporeal relation, and following Annemarie Mol's logic of care, we show how, despite the constant attempts to domesticate it, the hegemonic discourse fails to fully subsume care within the “order of the household”. Examining the ruptures produced when care resists its governance, the article demonstrates how the corporeal relatedness of care continues to open up spaces for the political, hence ensuring that the economy remains political. 相似文献
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Darel E. Paul 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2020,26(2):167-182
AbstractCivic nationalism is a weak vessel for secession. Nonetheless, contemporary Scottish nationalism has proven unusually successful, using the characteristically civic marker of political ideology as its signature boundary mechanism. Because a civic form of nationalism funnels toward civic markers of national identity, nationalist elites define Scotland as social democratic and England as neoliberal. This symbolic cultivation of a Scottish social democratic essence is deeply ethnic, however, through a mythological fusion of ideology with genealogy characteristic of ethnic myths of descent. Scotland’s “civic” nationalism points up the confused nature of the ethnic-civic dichotomy itself. 相似文献
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