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李鸿飞 《学理论》2010,(13):139-140
"绍兴和议"(也称"皇统和议")是宋、金双方政治、经济、军事三方面实力对比下的产物,是在双方力量均势的背景下签订的。从双方的军事力量上看,宋军的力量弱于金军;从双方的经济实力上看,南宋的经济实力强于金朝;从双方的政治组织能力上看,宋朝的行政效率及执行能力较之金朝的行政效率及执行能力低下。双方的各方面力量综合的结果达到了大致的均衡。  相似文献   

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Abstract: Following the election of the Whitlam government in December 1972 changes in the composition, work and style of ministers' offices were substantial. Evaluations of the emerging pattern conflicted, often quite sharply. This paper surveys the pattern of staffing introduced by Labor and examines in particular the roles of ministerial officers as political and policy advisers. The paper also discusses recent experiences with ministerial staff in the United Kingdom and Canada, and makes brief reference to the use of ministerial staff by the Fraser government. Assessing the effectiveness of ministerial advisers is not easy. No straight forward measures of effectiveness exist. It is argued that, despite the ambitions of some ministerial staff during the Whitlam government, the role of ministerial advisers was essentially limited and confined. Ministers found them useful but few found them overwhelmingly so. While the Fraser government has reduced the number and visibility of ministerial staff it has retained the institutional underpinning of Labor's system. In the search for ways of assisting political parties to govern and to respond to changing situations, it is likely that ministerial staff with ability to advise on policy will receive further attention in the future.  相似文献   

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Abstract: The conditions of employment of a professional public service together with the wide-ranging consequences of the actions of public servants combine to require considerable moral responsibility. Whatever political neutrality means for public servants, it does not mean moral neutrality. If public servants were never to exercise moral judgement in moments of truth there would be little justification for endowing the profession with the status and security it now enjoys. After some discussion of the origins of the professional public service, several recent cases of morally responsible public servants are reviewed and the arguments frequently given to avoid or trivialise morality are evaluated. My claim is that courage is the key to morality. The ordinary moral obligations that lie upon us all apply with added force to public servants. The truth that the eye of doubt beholds is that political neutrality brings moral responsibility. … the more civil servants, the more thieves… The Great Elector … not from the Castle … not from the village… Kafka … polite, upright, and mild… Hegel  相似文献   

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This paper focusses on two issues: the problem of reforming administration so that the bureaucracy in its political decision-making is more firmly responsible to the elected representatives of the people and more responsive to community needs and values, and the interlocking problem of the politics of the reform process itself. Where a government announces its intention to undertake a reform program, its purposes are usually explained in terms of the need for greater efficiency. The process of reform, apart from the stress on efficiency, is usually described in value-neutral terms. The program or the enquiry, it is claimed, will result in the job being done better or more quickly or more cheaply. However, if one looks more closely at the reasons for the establishment of such programs and enquiries, it is clear that underlying the urge to change the administration, there is a dissatisfaction not so much with the way in which decisions are carried out, as with the decisions themselves. The "hidden agenda" of most reforms is to ensure that different decisions are taken and different outcomes in the community result.  相似文献   

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This article is a Commentary on Bradley T. Heim ( 2009 ), The effect of recent tax changes on taxable income: Evidence from a new panel of tax returns,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 28, 147–163. doi: 10.1002/pam.20406 . This note provides corrected estimates of the elasticity of taxable income to the net of tax share using a panel of tax returns that follows a random sample of taxpayers from 1999 to 2005, spanning the EGTRRA 2001 and JGTRRA 2003 tax changes. Two errors were corrected: the specification of income splines, and the subtraction of capital gains income from the dependent variable. Though the original results are largely robust to the first change, they are not robust to the second. The corrected estimates suggest that the elasticity of taxable income to the current year's net of tax share is small and statistically insignificantly different from zero.  相似文献   

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Abstract: In 1867 NSW maritime services were rationalised by the formation of a Marine Board comprising government appointees and elected representatives of shipowners. Following several scandals relating to Marine Board administration and an inquiry by the new Public Service Board sitting as a Royal Commission, the Marine Board was replaced in 1899 by a Navigation Department. In 1900 Sydney wharfage was nationalised in response to the bubonic plague outbreak of 1899 and placed under the control of a Sydney Harbour Trust. This dual structure persisted throughout the pre-war period. Calls came from the Greater Sydney movement for wharfage to be placed under the control of an enlarged city council, and from the labour movement of trust tenants and employees for the trust to operate on non-commercial principles. These pressures were successfully resisted by the trust commissioners, despite the presence of a Labor government after 1910. In their administration the commissioners of the Trust favoured capital, but their image of technocratic impartiality enabled them to constrain Labor governments and to carry through substanial extensions of state activity when this was in the interests of capital as a whole.  相似文献   

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