热话题与冷思考(二十三)--关于时代发展与政党现代化的一些思考

早在1996年,您就在<政党的危机--国外政党运行机制研究>一书中提出:"政党政治进一步现代化的问题已经提上日程."现在越来越多的人关注"政党现代化"这个问题,但在那时人们对"政党现代化"这个词还相当陌生,所以您的提法应该说十分"前卫".那么,您当时是如何考虑这个问题的呢?     

Challenging the European Union: the rising powers and the USA in the Doha Round

In this article, the challenges posed to the European Union's (EU) role in trade policy and its implications for development policy during the World Trade Organization's Doha Development Agenda, also known as the Doha round, are highlighted. The authors argue that transformed power relations have created a situation characterized by role uncertainty, for the emerging powers but also for the EU. Priorities among multiple possible roles – in the existing trade regime, in relation to the global South and in the ongoing negotiations – become subject to redefinition. For the EU, heavily wedded to a multilateralist and reformist mission because of its own history, this process is particularly difficult. The EU's traditional role conceptions as a leader and a benign partner to developing countries have been challenged and partly replaced by a more realist approach.     

从宪法性条约到条约性宪法--欧盟宪法的进步与局限

欧盟宪法与以前的欧洲一体化重要条约的区别在于,它已经超越了"宪法性条约"而成为"条约性宪法".欧盟宪法主要是欧洲的联邦主义者借欧盟扩大之机推进欧洲政治一体化的产物.欧盟宪法既有其巨大进步的一面,也有其难以克服的局限性一面.相比于现实意义,欧盟宪法的象征意义更大.欧盟宪法在批准过程中遇到的挫折是可以克服的,但是欧盟领导人不应当把一体化仅仅当作目的,而忽略其他对欧洲前途来说更重要的政治任务.     

何时填平世界贫富鸿沟

在经济全球化进程中,各国日益变得互为依存,利害与共。然而,巨大的贫富差距却使世界显得很不和谐。虽然国际社会多年来为了缩小贫富“鸿沟”付出了许多努力,但总的说来收效甚微,众多不发达国家因为旧的国际经济秩序而被进一步“边缘化”,在痛苦的深渊中挣扎。缩小贫富差距决非一日之功,需要多方面做出艰苦的努力,建立国际经济新秩序是其中的关键环节。 贫富差距触目惊心 联合国2001年5月在布鲁塞尔举行了第三世界最不发达国家会议,与会国家共有49个,其中非洲34个,亚洲9个,太平     

On the Age Against the Poor

Abstract

This article focuses on Dominican migration to the United States (U.S.) after 1965. Dominicans left their homeland pressured by economic needs, the desire to improve their lives, and encouraged by a de facto immigration policy that facilitated their exodus. Once in the U.S., most Dominicans encounter an economy that increasingly demands skills and levels of schooling they do not possess. Rather than a prosperous life, in the new land, Dominicans face high unemployment levels and an alarming state of poverty. Paradoxically, while the needs of Dominicans continue to be unmet in the new society, the social policies and the conditions that push them out of their country remain in effect. On its part, the U.S. has responded by adopting a number of immigration laws to control the entrance of unwanted and unneeded job-seekers. As a result, the number of Dominicans coming to the U.S. has begun to decline as the number of Dominicans deported to the Dominican Republic has increased. In the end, poor Dominicans are pushed back and forth by both societies whose immigration policies mask their unwillingness to respond to the needs of the group. The article also discusses the impact on the Dominican community of 9/11 and the crashing of the AA flight 587, on November 12, 2001.     

马克思国家学说的一个重要问题——“打碎旧的国家机器”思想研究

马克思恩格斯所谓的旧的国家机器特指官僚政治下的官僚制和常备军.官僚制与普选制相对立;常备军制与全民武装相排斥.旧的国家机器是一种与封建主义相联系、与专制主义相伴生的政治机构,而非资本主义政治制度的普遍形态.打碎旧的国家机器原本是作为资产阶级民主革命的任务提出来的,其目标是建立巩固的资产阶级民主共和制,防止专制主义复辟.但马克思主义创始人和共产主义运动理论家们一度认为它是资产阶级无力完成而只能由无产阶级完成的任务.马克思恩格斯的这些见解是同他们关于旧的国家机器与封建主义、专制主义的关系,欧洲近代史的历史分期,欧洲近代专制主义的特点 ,资产阶级和无产阶级的阶级特点等一系列复杂的理论观点相联系的.十月革命前,列宁的观点与马克思主义创始人的观点基本是一致的;十月革命后,迫于现实条件的压力,列宁逐渐放弃他在十月革命前坚信不移的观点,在苏俄重建了作为旧的国家机器显著特征的官僚制和常备军.在已经实现了民主宪政的当代西方国家,打碎旧的国家机器的主要任务之一,即消灭作为凌驾于社会之上享有特权的官僚阶层的任务早已完成.作为旧的国家机器另一个显著特征的常备军仍然存在,但是,第一,它不仅存在于资本主义国家,而且存在于包括社会主义国家在内的世界上大多数国家;第二,世界近现代政治史表明,在健全的民主制度下,常备军制度不会导致专制主义的复活.至少在可预见的历史时期内,以全民武装代替常备军的主张是国际共产主义运动中的政治空想主义.     

The iPod and the Queen, the Kindle and the King

President Barack Obama has extended the hand of engagement to the Muslim and Arab world, while warning Israel against new settlements in occupied Palestine and hedging his bets with remote drone strikes against Al-Qaida and the Taliban in Pakistan. The new CIA director, a military historian and the Somali-born feminist Ayaan Hirsi Ali assess his strategy.