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Justin Keen 《Public administration》1999,77(3):509-525
The National Audit Office (NAO) undertakes Value For Money (VFM) studies, which are used as the basis of evidence in hearings of the House of Commons Committee of Public Accounts. VFM studies are therefore integral to the process of accountability of public bodies to Parliament for their use of resources. This paper examines the production of VFM studies by the NAO, and in particular the ways in which audit teams arrive at their judgements. It introduces a theoretical frame-work which highlights: (i) the interplay of intuitive and analytical thinking as VFM teams assemble and interpret data and, (ii) the ways in which teams use three distinct types of judgement criterion in studies, based on the use of multiple empirical indicators about some event, the logical coherence of the auditee's behaviour, and consensus about 'what actually happened'. 相似文献
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The research examines a government-initiated online engagement program in China, mainly including its history, mechanism, and how netizens participated in it. To clearly address the participation scenario, a framework is proposed to further explore the quality of participation. The result shows that participation chaos is prevalent with poor-quality proposals. A government censorship exists all the time and changes with the popularity of the forum. It also implies that the purpose of a Chinese government-initiated online engagement forum may be varied, one for engagement and the other for maintaining stability, which partly attributes to the online participation chaos. 相似文献
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The article examines the adaptation of Whitehall to participation in the European Union. Following an Historical Institutionalist analysis, the article argues that the most critical juncture relating to the machinery for the handling of European business was taken in 1960–1961 well before the third, successful application to join the European Communities. Actual accession brought about an adaptation of the machinery and of the processes developed in negotiation to the wider needs of membership rather than a reform of machinery. Thus the most important alteration in Britain's overseas relations since the war was easily accommodated within Whitehall's established approach to handling policy. Developments from the 1970s onwards have largely been accretive and these developments are outlined. However, the article argues that more fundamental challenges deriving from EU membership lie ahead for the structure of the British state. 相似文献
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公民外交是中国外交的新近发展的一项重要内容。2005年反日入常签名是中国公民,借由网络签名请愿从事公民外交的案例。该活动是由中国社会部门、中国经济部门与离散华人社群所组织的。它们通过跨国联系发起网络签名请愿而进行的网络民族主义运动。同时,该活动由于表达了广泛民意,不仅影响了中国政府,也影响了其他国际行为体,而成为中国公民外交的实例。 相似文献
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《国际公共行政管理杂志》2012,35(1):37-48
ABSTRACTMigration has emerged as a key issue for governments in the 21st century. While multiple disciplines address migration, the study of public administration has been slow to do so. Given the complexities of migration policy implementation, and the multiple levels of government involved, public administration can add significantly to the current understandings of the phenomenon. This article examines what is known on migration, what still needs to be understood, and how public administration can assist in understanding migration. 相似文献
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P. D. LOWE 《Public administration》1975,53(3):287-298
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Torben Beck Jørgensen 《Public administration》1999,77(3):565-584
A number of new governance structures has been introduced in the Danish public sector. These include contract agencies, user boards, boards of directors, marketization, corporatization, involving voluntary organizations in public services, EU-funded state border crossing co-operation, and Europeanization in many forms. Despite their obvious dissimilarities, these governance structures have one thing in common: they challenge the foundations of the public sector and territorial representative democracy by blurring the distinctions between politics and administration; between public and private; and between national and international. If politicians and voters are deprived of the capacity to make these distinctions, political responsibility is bound to fade away. Also, each new governance structure down-loads degrees of indeterminateness in the public sector since they may interact in unforeseen ways and introduce new actors, roles and practices in the public sector. This may cause the development of a more flexible public sector marked by 'local' appropriateness and adaptability but also by a multitude of inconsistent models and principles. To avoid the latter, a general discourse on values and their institutional requirements and the invention of public 'domains' is needed. 相似文献
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James Smith 《Public administration》2001,79(1):147-165
This article takes an in-depth look at the cultural implications of membership of the European Union (EU) for a UK government department. As part of a broader examination of how Europeanization, in its various forms, has affected a range of Whitehall departments, Bulmer and Burch (1998) concluded that the cultural element of change in the UK has been limited in the sense that existing administrative traditions within government departments have not undergone any radical reorientation. The purpose here is to test the validity of these conclusions and in more general terms afford detailed consideration to an area of Europeanization which has tended to be neglected in the academic discourse. This is achieved by way of employing interview and documentary-based source material relating to the area of cultural change as it affected a particular UK department, the Scottish Office. In the event, the piece concludes that the detail of the Scottish Office case can be used to confirm Bulmer and Burch's general observation that cultural Europeanization has not manifested itself to any great extent within UK government departments in the sense that it has entailed wide-reaching changes to administrative approaches and working practices. More generally, the empirical basis of the analysis provides fresh insights into how specific matters, such as training and secondments, have impacted upon the work of civil servants in the UK. 相似文献
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This paper discusses the contradictions of maintaining national identity in the age of globalization. It investigates the central relevance of the concept of citizenship in light of the encroaching forces of economic and cultural globalization, on the one hand; and ethnic, nationalistic, and religious fundamentalism, on the other. The paper argues for the need to recognize not only the meaning of national identity, derived mainly from works of art and literature in a given tradition, but also its potential to head off forms of reductionism, be they economic or ethnic. In this regard, the paper calls for a theoretically subtle approach to the contemporary dilemmas of small nations, caught between the fundamentalist temptation (nationalism) and global corporate homogeneity. The case of Slovenia is used here to spell out the necessity to develop a cosmopolitan attitude, characterized as it is by both local cultural tradition and international codes of expression. Such an attitude may best be developed in a civic sphere that provides the mediating ground between the solipsistic pursuit of individual happiness and governmental political regimentation. 相似文献
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David Toke 《Public administration》2000,78(4):835-854
What can broadly be described as a policy community has been established with the central purpose of co-ordinating policy implementation in the field of energy efficiency in domestic buildings. A complete understanding of the processes of policy network formation cannot be achieved in this case without a thorough analysis of the construction of cognitive structures which influence the behaviour of actors and underpin the policy network. Discourse analysis is an effective means of studying cognitive structures. An understanding of the creative and unpredictable role of agents such as ministers is also important, suggesting that the study of policy network formation can be enlightened by a historical institutionalist approach that involves a role for agency as well as structural influences. The formation of the energy efficiency policy network is studied in the context of a critique of an earlier 'economic' institutionalist case study of policy network formation. 相似文献
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Lesley Seebeck 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(8):691-721
The post–11 September security environment has led to a reevaluation of the nature of national security and national security systems. Bioterrorism in the form of attacks against the agricultural sector, particularly in the form of foot-and-mouth disease, could prove attractive to some groups should other targets and means of attack become more difficult. This article considers three cases, one of bioterrorism and two of agricultural disease outbreaks. Using complex adaptive system principles it suggests a strategy and socio-technical system design, adaptive hardening, appropriate to the challenge posed by terrorist-induced foot-and-mouth disease. 相似文献
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Mara Lazda 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(4):517-536
This study analyzes the revolution of 1989 in the Baltic State of Latvia and considers its effects on democracy since the
reestablishment of independence in 1991. Scholarly and popular accounts tend to depict the 1989 movement as an ethno-nationalist
one. While recognizing the importance of ethnicity and cultural nationalism, this article suggests that transnationalism was
an equally important force. An analysis of the information bulletin of the Popular Front of Latvia, Awakening [Atmoda] reveals that independence activists deliberately sought to place their movement in a global and transnational framework.
The article concludes with a discussion of the fate of this transnational vision after 1991. In the immediate post-independence
period, strict citizenship and language legislation indicated a retreat from transnational ideals. However, more recent reforms
suggest that this retreat was not permanent and that the discussions of 1989 continue to shape the building of democracy in
Latvia. Evidence of the continued existence of transnationalism can be found in government legislation, participation in institutional
networks such as the European Union, and individual decisions to apply for citizenship. 相似文献