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制毒、贩毒和吸毒是当今世界最大的公害之一。它跟艾滋病、恐怖主义一样,是人类的大敌。目前全世界毒品的种植、生产和消费仍呈蔓延和发展的趋势,毒品问题已成为全球性的问题,几乎没有一个国家能幸免于难。地处世界著名毒源“金三角”的泰国,更是在劫难逃,长期受到毒品的危害和困扰,可以说,毒品已成为泰国国家安全与稳定的主要威胁之一。他信政府自2001年2月上台执政以来,把禁毒作为与脱贫、治贪并列的三大施政目标之一。他信认为,毒品是泰国当前的大敌,防毒反毒是政府的当务之急,提出了向“毒品宣战”的口号。近三年,由于措施得力,行动果断,所以扫毒工作战果累累。泰国政府禁毒的成功将不仅造福于全体泰国人民,也将为整个亚洲乃至全世界的禁毒斗争做出历史性贡献。  相似文献   

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Six senior American specialists in Soviet, Ukrainian, and Russian affairs reflect on economic and political developments in light of apocalyptic expectations articulated in the West after the collapse of the USSR. Presentations, formulated in November 1992, focus on the lot of the consumer during the winter, a survey of direct foreign investments, the leadership of Yel'tsin, military and security considerations, and Russian-Ukrainian relations. Coverage of economic issues also includes discussion of food shortages, pervasive corruption, and Russian nationalist views of pro- or anti-market orientations. A concluding afterword embraces the December Congress of People's Deputies and Gaydar's departure. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: D19, F21, K42, P26.  相似文献   

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More than 100 freedom of information (FOI) laws have been enacted worldwide, nearly half within the last 10 years. Yet these cross‐domain, lynchpin transparency measures have received little scholarly attention. This article assesses the 16 FOI measures adopted across Latin America. Is secrecy being surrendered in a region marked by legacies of opacity? Why are some laws fulfilling their de jure potential in practice while others are not? This article aims to achieve 3 general objectives. It analyzes the de jure and de facto strength of Latin American FOI regimes; it exposes critical data‐based and methodological challenges in evaluating and comparing transparency laws; and it illustrates how a causal mechanism, driven by the interactive dynamics of legislative balances of power and cabinet compositions, has had a determinate influence in shaping the strength of FOI regimes from adoption to implementation and reform.  相似文献   

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Transatlantic relations during the Bush administration sank to the lowest point in the post-war period following the invasion of Iraq in 2003. This article provides an analysis of both the current state of that relationship and the academic debate which accompanies it. Arguments over the impact of various factors are analysed to determine the extent of transatlantic divergence. Thus, demographic change in America and Europe, divergence of political values between Europe and America, power differences, post-war geopolitical realignments, European integration and American unilateralism and exceptionalism are all analysed and evaluated. While some of these arguments presented are challenged, the article argues that the process of constructing separate European and American identities from within the transatlantic community is the single most significant contemporary challenge to transatlantic relations.  相似文献   

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本文以ASEAN ISIS在创设亚太安全合作机制--ARF中所发挥的作用为例,分析亚太认知共同体在安全机制建构中的作用,即提出和形成一种新的安全观,并推动亚太安全观的社会化与机制化.这一研究表明,在适当的情况下,认知共同体也可以在国际安全合作领域发挥重要作用.  相似文献   

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Winning the Peace: Australia's Campaign to Change the Asia‐Pacific. By Andrew Carr (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 2015), pp.viii + 336, AU$59.99 (pb).  相似文献   

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In the 1906 federal election James Scullin, then an unknown grocer, challenged the sitting Prime Minister, Alfred Deakin, for his seat of Ballaarat. This article examines this important event in Scullin's under‐researched life story to consider the “electoral poetics” of electioneering in the early federation. Scullin's challenge to Deakin prefigured the defining realignment of Australian politics to come, the “Fusion” of 1909, and is indicative of Labor's new self‐conceptualisation as a potential government with a mission to fundamentally restructure Australian democracy. This article explores Scullin's work as an expositor of this mission, and its significance for his political life.  相似文献   

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The elections that took place in Greece and Portugal before and after the intervention of the so-called Troika allow us to examine to what extent the austerity period has affected the nature and style of electoral campaigns, especially in terms of individualisation. Our results show that campaigns in Greece and Portugal were quite different and that Greek candidates supported by the two main parties are more likely to emphasise their role. Yet the short-term impact of the crisis has been negligible, as there have been insignificant shifts in the communicative focus on the personalisation of the agendas and on the means used in the campaign after the intervention of the Troika.  相似文献   

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樊吉社 《美国研究》2006,20(4):7-28
本文试图考察美国军控政策在冷战结束后的调整与变革,探究调整的根源,及其与美国整个安全政策变化的关联。文章依据美国对待全球、多边和双边军控机制的态度、政策和行动,分析美国军控的调整与变革过程;根据军控机制产生和存续的战略安全环境状态、军控本身在消解大规模杀伤性武器所构成的安全威胁方面存在的价值,以及推行军控机制建设所产生的效用等三个方面探究美国政策调整的原因。冷战期间及冷战结束初期,美国大致支持并推动了三类军控机制的建设。布什就任总统后,美国对战略安全环境认识的转变、军控机制内在的缺陷及推动军控机制建设的困境推动美国进行政策调整,突发事件、决策者的政策倾向和国内政治环境则加速了这个调整过程,美国军控政策逐步完成了从制度建设到志愿者同盟的转变。  相似文献   

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This paper examines the role of the conservative foreign policy establishment in the decision-making process leading to the Nazi invasion of Poland in September 1939. Post-war statements by German diplomats portrayed the conservative elite as reluctant participants in Hitler's drive to war. However, an examination of the foreign policy views of German conservatives reveals a significant degree of convergence with Nazi goals in their desire to revise Germany's post-Versailles borders with Poland. In order to understand the role of the German diplomatic elite, it is also necessary to understand the degree to which foreign policy was subject to the same "polycracy" of decision-making instances that characterised the structure of the "Third Reich" in general. While Hitler had relied on the conservative elites, including the Foreign Ministry and the military, their influence on decision-making was waning by 1938–1939.  相似文献   

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This article argues that the reaction of the second Merkel government to the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone was conditioned by informal and formal policy commitments that were put into place by the preceding CDU/CSU and SPD Grand Coalition after the financial crisis of 2007/08. The decisions were shaped by a cross-party consensus among Christian Democrats and Social Democrats about the causes for the good performance of the German economy in the past decade. Both parties also shared the determination to save the euro and to preserve the integrity of the Eurozone. As a result, an informal Grand Coalition emerged in 2011/12 which shaped Germany's policy reactions during the euro crisis down to the details. One important consequence of this development was that the euro bailout measures and the ensuing reforms of the institutional framework of the Eurozone did not become decisive issues during the Federal elections of 2013, despite their unpopularity among the voters.  相似文献   

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