The Complexity of Tolerance and Intolerance Judgments: A Response to Gibson

In a recent paper, we posited that tolerance and intolerance judgments are characterized by two forms of variance. First, the distinction between tolerance and intolerance is dichotomous in that individuals are or are not willing to extend the full rights of citizenship to all others without exception. Second, among those not so willing, variance exists in the breadth and depth of their intolerance. James Gibson challenges our view, arguing that we have advanced a fundamental shift in how tolerance is conceptualized, and that this shift is not warranted empirically because very few Americans are tolerant under our definition. In this response, we first outline the rationale for why our view does not constitute a significant shift in the conceptualization of tolerance, but rather is merely an effort to pull the empirical treatment of tolerance into alignment with the concept’s common definition. Second, we explain that Gibson’s finding that few Americans are tolerant gains noteworthy meaning and significance from the view of tolerance we present. Lastly, we demonstrate that new insight on the antecedents of tolerance and intolerance emerges when analyses attend to the two-part structure of tolerance judgments highlighted in our research.     

The Indirect Effects of Discredited Stereotypes in Judgments of Jewish Leaders

Can stereotypes of ethnic groups have an indirect impact on voters' judgments even if voters reject them? We examine the case of Jewish leaders and hypothesize that acceptable political stereotypes (Jews are liberal) are linked in voters' minds to unacceptable social stereotypes (Jews are shady); consequently, a cue to the candidate's shadiness works indirectly by increasing the perception that the candidate is liberal, even as the shady cue is rejected. Using three national survey‐experiments we randomly varied a candidate's Jewish identity, ideology, and shadiness. The cue to the rejected social stereotype indeed activates the more legitimate political stereotype. Moreover, voters give more weight to the candidate's perceived liberalism in their evaluation. Consequently, the candidate's support suffers. However, when the candidate takes a more extreme ideological position on issues, the effects disappear. The indirect influence of discredited stereotypes and the limits of those stereotypes have implications for our understanding of voting and of the legacies of discrimination.     

践行政治规矩的三个维度

"政治规矩"是全体党员尤其是党员领导干部坚守政治标准的总体要求和总体概括,这些规矩业已成为党建理论的重要内容和现实载体,成为治国理政、全面从严治党的铁规严律,成为党性教育的一把戒尺和标杆。践行政治规矩是全面从严治党、依纪依规管党治党的自觉行为,是遵章守纪、严于律己的自我约束,是对党内各项制度、规则的自觉遵循。践行政治规矩必须依托三个维度:一是以理性维度厘清政治规矩的基本要义,彰显践行政治规矩的现实性;二是以价值维度显示政治规矩的内化功能,展现践行政治规矩的导向性;三是以法治维度阐释政治规矩的合法基因,凸显践行政治规矩的正当性。     

The Structure of Political Competition: Dimensions of Candidate and Group Evaluation Revisited

In this paper, we take a fresh look at the structure of sociopolitical conflict through confirmatory factor analyses of survey data gathered in Florida during the presidential campaign of 1996. Our analysis shows both stability and change in the electorate. In line with prior research, a single bipolar partisan dimension underlies the mass public's evaluations of political leaders, though national figures fit more comfortably on this continuum than do those at the state level. Citizens' evaluations of key sociopolitical groups reflect orthogonal cultural disputes, class divisions, and conflicts relating to issues of social control. While all three of these dimensions impinge to some degree on voters' conceptions of party and ideology, our findings point to the leading role that cultural issues now play in shaping ideological images and identities.     

The Effects of Majoring in Political Science on Political Efficacy

This study tests, and finds support, for the hypotheses that a student who majors in political science will have stronger feelings of political competence and will be more willing to engage in hypothetical political actions than two peer groups: (a) those who major in other fields and (b) those who show an interest in politics but have not studied it. In a study of 1,083 undergraduates at two different universities, we find that senior political science majors have higher feelings of internal political efficacy than comparison groups and are more willing than their peers or than interested freshmen to say that they would engage in meaningful political action, especially joining organized groups.     

Iraq the Vote: Retrospective and Prospective Foreign Policy Judgments on Candidate Choice and Casualty Tolerance

In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables, so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.

Rethinking the Relationship between Religion and Political Tolerance in the US

While there has been numerous empirical works on political tolerance in the United States, many of these studies have not: addressed the role of religion, used adequate measures of religion, incorporated advances in the measurement of political tolerance, and/or included all the psychological and political predictors of political tolerance. Correcting these deficiencies, I present and test a religious model of political tolerance utilizing structural equation modeling. I find that the negative relationship typically demonstrated between both religious commitment and doctrinal orthodoxy to political tolerance does not manifest and that religion is insignificant vis-à-vis political and psychological determinants of political tolerance.

理论、历史与实践：政治监督的三重逻辑

从理论看,政治监督是与特定政治制度相适应并为其服务的制度安排,遵循权力制约监督的内在生成逻辑,推动掌握和行使权力的权力机构及其成员聚焦党的政治属性、政治使命、政治目标、政治追求,着力发现并纠正政治方面的突出问题,确保党的政治纲领、政治路线、政治目标的贯彻执行和有效推进。从历史看,政治监督古已有之,中国古代通过监察官员执行法令、忠诚履职,达到去疴除弊、整肃纲纪、彰善瘅恶、稳定朝政的目标;西方社会通过分权和制衡来遏制权力滥用、维护公民权利、保证政体稳定;社会主义国家的无产阶级政党通过加强政治建设,完善党内监督,保证人民当家作主,实现党和国家长治久安。从实践看,近年来的实践探索成效初显,但是在政治监督的认识、定位、方法及人员队伍能力素质方面存在薄弱环节,还需持续探索政治监督的有效路径。     

从三个维度把握高校思想政治工作中的因事而化

处理好事情、解决好问题是开展工作的主要目的。大学生关注关心、需求期盼的事情就是思想政治工作的重点。要善于把握这些重点,紧密结合学生思想和行为特点,贴近学生学习生活实际,从远大理想、家国情怀、现实关切三个维度构建能够更好实现因事而化的工作体系。同时正确处理"因事而为"与"因时而进"和"因势而新"之间对立统一的关系,达到用远大理想来激励引导学生,明确学生方向、用家国情怀来感召凝聚学生,增强学生动力、用现实关切来为学生解疑释惑,坚定学生信心的教育效果,进而积极引导学生更好地实现自我教育、自我管理、自我服务、自我监督,不断提高学生思想水平、政治觉悟、道德品质、文化素养。     

微博载体思想政治教育的作用与方法

微博作为一种新型载体,既具有对于信息的承载能力,又能够被思想政治教育工作者所使用,对教育客体实施有计划有组织有目的的影响。在微博中,教育主体包括掌握公权力的机构、专门从事思想政治教育工作的人员及所有致力于传播主流价值观的微博;教育客体是指通过微博接受教育的普通民众。微博载体思想政治教育具有导向作用、保障作用、育人作用和协调作用。教育主体可通过积极回应法、共情法、比较鉴别法、心理问答法实现对客体的教育活动。     

Cross-Cutting Messages and Political Tolerance: An Experiment Using Evangelical Protestants

Democratic theorists believe that exposure to rationales for conflicting views augments deliberation and tolerance. Evidence suggests that people are more tolerant of opposing groups after being exposed to alternative points of view, yet it is unclear how source credibility and previous exposure to the source moderates this effect. Using experimental survey data from a sample of evangelical Protestant PAC donors, I manipulate Christian Right activists’ exposure to dissonant messages on immigration reform and capital punishment and vary the source of these messages. I find that when the opposing viewpoints are attributed to a religious leader generally found outside the Christian Right social movement (a mainline Protestant), evangelicals are less tolerant than when attributed to a religious leader sometimes found within the movement (a Catholic). Moreover, I find the amount of contact with the respective religious group moderates source effects. In this way, the study reveals how social networks may moderate the effect of elite discourse on public opinion.     

The Effects of Campaign Participation on Political Attitudes

Participatory democratic theorists have long claimed that political participation improves citizens and helps to integrate them into the political community. In recent years political participation has been advocated as a way of reducing alienation, particularly among the young. This experimental study assesses the effects of campaign participation on the attitudes and opinions of a group of young people, particularly attitudes of alienation. Employing Q methodology, this study examines the attitudinal impact of campaign participation on 57 subjects through the use of precampaign and postcampaign Q sorts. By comparing the results with a control group it was determined that campaign participation does result in greater attitudinal shift for participants than for nonparticipants; however, the changes that occurred resulted in shifts away from alienation (as democratic theorists predict) and shifts in the direction of greater alienation (contrary to predictions).     

The Electoral Relevance of Political Talk: Examining Disagreement and Expertise Effects in Social Networks on Political Participation

Although people with larger, more politicized social networks are more likely to participate in elections, we know very little about what drives this relationship. I argue that the electoral relevance of political talk depends heavily on the political expertise imbedded in discussion networks. Using data gathered during the 1996 presidential election, I demonstrate that the level of political sophistication in a person's social network exerts a positive influence on participation. Importantly, this effect is greater than the impact of political preferences in the network, the factor that is implicitly considered to be the main link between networks and involvement. This evidence makes two contributions to research on networks and participation. First, it provides support for a theoretical model that better accounts for research on the relationship between political talk, political disagreement, and involvement. Second, it changes the normative implications associated with political talk by suggesting that networks can encourage both higher levels of involvement and increased consideration of differing viewpoints.     

新时代加强领导干部政德建设的三重维度

新时代领导干部政德建设可以从以下三个维度进行考量:从历史维度来看,加强领导干部政德建设是中国共产党发展壮大的内在要求和一以贯之的优良传统,我们党在百年奋斗中所创造的辉煌业绩与党员标准的制订和践行以及干部队伍建设的原则和要求紧密相关。从理论维度来看,习近平总书记阐明了新时代领导干部政德建设的总体方略,深化了新时代领导干部政德建设的基本内容,揭示了新时代领导干部政德建设的核心要义,为新时代加强领导干部政德建设奠定了理论基础。从实践维度来看,要处理好领导干部政德建设与培育和践行社会主义核心价值观、党的建设、全面推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化之间的关系。正确梳理和科学把握新时代加强领导干部政德建设的三重维度,对于提升新时代领导干部政德建设的针对性和有效性具有重要的参照意义。     

The Politics of Interpersonal Trust and Reciprocity: An Experimental Approach

Trust and reciprocity are theoretically essential to strong democracies and efficient markets. Working from the theoretical frameworks of social identity and cognitive heuristics, this study draws on dual-process models of decision making to expect (1) the trustor to infer trustworthiness from partisan stereotypes and thus to discriminate trust in favor of co-partisans and against rival partisans, but (2) the trustee to base reciprocity decisions on real information about the trustor’s deservingness rather than a partisan stereotype. So whereas partisanship is likely to trigger trust biases, the trust decision itself provides enough information to override partisan biases in reciprocity. The analysis derives from a modified trust game experiment. Overall, the results suggest partisanship biases trust decisions among partisans, and the degree of partisan trust bias is consistent with expectations from both social identity theory and cognitive heuristics. When it comes to reciprocity, however, information about the other subject’s level of trust nullifies partisan bias.