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1.
Many causal relationships cannot be detected by national averages, whether based on regression analysis of aggregate data or on survey data, because the local social context explains an important part of the variance. An analysis by deciles of aggregate data shows the great territorial diversity of social contexts in France. The unit of analysis is the French canton. The 2,450 cantons are distributed by deciles of such variables as religious practice, social structure, and vote. In the second part, six extreme deciles are analysed: the most leftist part of France, the most rightist, the most industrialized, the most agricultural, the most devout, and the most irreligious. For a country with such a territorial diversity, generating a polymorphism of parties, the national averages based on aggregate data or on survey data are largely fallacious, particularly those concerning the causal relationships. Slicing in deciles is the most efficient method for analysing aggregate data  相似文献   

2.
This article takes issue with the widespread assumption that most people hold moderate political opinions on most issues. Tracing the historical conditions and theoretical assumptions that underpin that idea and testing it against polling from Britain, the author shows that—across economic, social and international affairs—the centre ground is not where most people are at.  相似文献   

3.
中国哲学虽然拿不出“德先生”与“赛先生,”却可以推出“大人先生,”可以推出超越“自我中心”“、地球中心”、“人类中心”等“中心论”而对天地万物“一体平看”的“大写的人”。这就是中国哲学中的“大人论,”著者称之为“旧大人论”。其基本视野有三重:以“太一”而求“最高,”以“太极”而求“最大,”以“太和”而求“最多”。此种根本思维方式导致中西哲学走上完全不同的道路“。新大人论”是要以“旧大人论”为基础接纳西方哲学为其环节:就“最高”一方面说,假如我们能将“白”之研究当成“大白”之研究的一个环节,将“辩”之研究当成“大辩”之研究的一个环节来处理,则我们就可以将西方哲学当成中国哲学的一个环节来处理;就“最大”一方面说,“宇宙共同体”是中国哲学的“终极关怀,”西方哲学的最大视野只达到“生态共同体,”只是中国哲学的一个环节;就“最多”一方面说,西方“一体化”正驱赶整个世界走上“消灭多样性”的不归路,立于宏观与长远的视角,我们也完全可以把“一体化”视为中国“太和”思维框架中的一个环节、一个特例。“新大人论”的根本目标是把西方哲学当成中国哲学的一个环节或特例来处理。  相似文献   

4.
Methodology courses in MPA programs tend to be unpopular with students and professors alike. These same courses, however, prove to be among the most valuable when the student is completing the degree program or when the student becomes a practitioner of public administration. In this article, many of the most widely used learning models for methodology are critiqued. In addition, the authors make a case for the use of inquiry training techniques, arguing that they are most appropriate for both students and professor because of their environmental sensitivity.  相似文献   

5.
Party cues provide citizens with low‐cost information about their representatives’ policy positions. But what happens when elected officials deviate from the party line? Relying on the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we examine citizens’ knowledge of their senators’ positions on seven high‐profile roll‐call votes. We find that although politically interested citizens are the group most likely to know their senator's position when she votes with the party, they are also the group most likely to incorrectly identify their senator's position when she votes against her party. The results indicate that when heuristics “go bad,” it is the norm for the most attentive segment of the public to become the most misinformed, revealing an important drawback to heuristic use.  相似文献   

6.
Public procurement is a large sector of the economy with most procurement going to the defense sector. Procurement by the defense sector includes purchases made through contracts to private businesses that manufacture durable goods. Manufacturing of these goods results in pollution production with toxic wastes being among the most dangerous pollutants for public health. Despite green purchasing policy goals, most transactions in the United States through defense contracts result in disproportionately high-toxic pollution releases by manufacturers. We find that persistent exemptions granted defense agencies from following green purchasing policy result in a landscape where contractor environmental performance is unchanging with defense contractors persistently polluting in high amounts. Further, we find that defense contractors are linked to most toxic releases from procurement meaning that exemptions may be hindering potential advancements from green purchasing policy. Results can inform the design of new guidance about procurement and expand understanding of environmental inequality.  相似文献   

7.
8.
ADA scores and Nominate scores are used for the first time to examine the influence of spatial voting records on which candidate wins the party’s presidential nomination and on which nominee wins the general election. We find that the most conservative Republican candidate and moderately liberal Democrats were most likely to win their party’s nomination. For general elections we find that the candidate’s spatial record has nearly as much impact on the outcome as economic growth, which has been the focus of most past empirical research. The nominee whose voting record is more moderate is more likely to be elected.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract: Everyone is doing a code of ethics. But when can codes do good? To find out we interviewed New South Wales parliamentarians about their perceptions of corruption in 10 scenarios weighted from least to most corrupt. The cases were drawn from John Peters and Susan Welch's theory of corruption. We note similar studies in the United States and Canada. There is confusion about ethics, and we note that the episodes of corruption in the 1980s suggest ethical standards could be elevated. Perhaps the most significant conclusion is that parliamentarians come to think alike about corruption in the middle of their careers. Those who want to see ethics enhanced should aim at induction, education, and counselling within parliament. Here codes, if supported, have a role to play. Improvement will not be achieved by searching for a saintly parliamentarian. We found those most sensitive to corruption to be the least and most senior members.  相似文献   

10.
This article attempts to explain why the largest and most successful communist party in the West (the Italian Communist Party) has been the first to dissolve itself under the apparent impact of the revolutions in Eastern Europe. It does so by utilising and comparing four possible approaches to the study of West European Communist parties: ideological, electoral, strategic and ‘internal‐external’ approaches. The first three approaches are outlined and their limitations indicated before a more detailed exposition and application of the fourth approach is made as offering the most adequate framework to explain of one the most significant developments in Italian politics and West European communism.  相似文献   

11.
The latest revisionism in the study of political tolerance has produced some of the most provocative well-designed research in the field of political science. In particular, the work by Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus offers one of the most fully specified and rigorously executed models of public opinion formation. Yet this contemporary revisionism is flawed. This paper argues that these researchers misconceptualize tolerance, that this misconception contaminates their measurement process, that the resulting model is misspecified, and that the political conclusions offered are not supported in fact or principle. More generally this paper argues that the field of public opinion as a whole has been trapped by limited conceptions about the nature of cognitive constraint and by simplistic and inadequate methods for measuring and identifying this constraint. To remedy this, a developmental measure of cognitive moral stages is fashioned along lines suggested by Kohlberg. This measure satisfies a number of tests for both validity and reliability and appears to be one of the most powerful predictors of tolerance and intolerance — if not the most powerful single predictor.  相似文献   

12.
This article presents the results of new survey research that assesses the routes and activities used by UK business associations in gathering and exchanging information with European institutions. All major UK business associations are covered, ranging from trade and professional associations to associations of the self‐employed and federations. A representative sampling framework allows general conclusions for the whole association sector to be drawn. The chief findings are that there are multiple routes for European activities employed by most associations. The most important route for all categories (except federations) is the national route, using meetings with UK ministers, officials or agencies as an attempt to get them to influence the EU. The second most important route is through European associations (which is the chief route for federations), which are also seen as the most open to influence. A ‘Brussels strategy’ of direct lobbying, or a Brussels office, is the third most important route. It is the main route for 16 per cent of respondents, which is surprising given its costs but demonstrates the increasingly important light in which the European institutions are seen. The use by associations of individual member companies to lobby for them is also surprisingly high (for 10 per cent it is the main route). Association size, resources and sectoral circumstances are shown to be important influences on an association's European strategy.  相似文献   

13.
In the aftermath of an election it has become customary to systematically compare the predictive accuracy of polls and political stock exchanges. However, most of these analyses do not emerge from real predictions. In this research note, we compare the predictive performance of a time-series model to the accuracy of polls and a political stock market in the 2005 german Bundestag (general) election. Our analysis shows that Wahl$treet, the most significant german political stock exchange, was again closest to the actual results leaving commercial polling institutes behind. Due to the exceptionally large errors of most institutes we briefly discuss how such inaccurate forecasts might affect voting behaviour in the light of social choice theory.  相似文献   

14.
Switzerland is one of the most non-centralized countries inthe world. A groining literature is examining the economic effectsof tax competition between the 26 Swiss cantons. Despite therelative success of Swiss federalism, most federal countriesfollow the principles of coordinated rather than competitivefederalism. We identify the institutional preconditions forwell-functioning competitive federalism in Switzerland. Thesecond part deals with the applicability of the Swiss experiencefor emerging economies in Latin America. The analysis recognizesthat most institutions identified to be crucial in the Swisscase are missing in Latin America. This leads to the policyconclusion that competitive federalism can only produce itspositive effects under certain institutional circumstances.These circumstances are often not considered when introducinglax competition in emerging economies.  相似文献   

15.
While Baudrillard denies that his work is in any way 'postmodern', and while his writings offer a critique of both the rationality of the modernist project and the eclecticism of the postmodern temper, it seems evident that his work makes a major contribution to the analysis of postmodern culture. At its most effective, Baudrillard's theory-fiction accelerates analysis of postmodern culture by looking beyond the shifts in prior discourse examined by most cultural historians, and by attempting to generate analysis on the scale of the most substantial changes within the postmodern condition. Nevertheless, Baudrillard's theory-fiction often seems limited by its reliance upon rhetoric and references drawn from early and late cultural modernism, rather than from the present (which Baudrillard tends to caricature in apocalyptic terms). Despite these limitations Baudrillard commands respect for his independent and insistent attention to many of the most fundamental discursive transitions within postmodern culture. a predominantly modernistpostmodern thinker,his work combines innovative insights with slightly antiquated frames of reference.  相似文献   

16.
This article examines the early development in Britain of quasi-markets for domiciliary care. Initially there were widespread doubts about the appropriateness of market mechanisms for social care because it was regarded as inherently different from other goods and services. We examine these differences and how they are most apparent in domiciliary care — which is provided to the most vulnerable people in the most vulnerable of settings. The study provides a demanding test and illuminating case study of the introduction of competition through quasi-markets. It highlights some potential threats to service quality and demonstrates that to secure such quality for vulnerable users, public sector purchasers need to develop long-term, high-trust relationships with a range of high quality care providers.  相似文献   

17.
This study moves beyond traditional approaches to public administration and public policy decision making to consider how interpersonal influence tactics affect policy decisions in group decision-making settings. Decision makers reported their own use of interpersonal influence tactics to achieve policy objectives, as well as those used against them. Responses were compared to individual decisions made over the course of policy-formulation meetings. The results indicate that the most popular techniques were inspirational appeals and rational persuasion. The most effective techniques for influencing participants varied according to the type of decision to be made: During the visioning process, coalition tactics and inspirational appeals proved most effective; for more concrete decisions about current issues, rational persuasion, inspirational appeals, and consultation influenced decisions.  相似文献   

18.
Bernard  Susser 《Political studies》1988,36(3):497-514
Although his approach to politics and philosophy were relatively little known outside the United States, Leo Strauss was perhaps the most revered and the most controversial figure in post-war American political science. His followers today form what is arguably the most cohesive intellectual fraternity in the discipline. They constitute a highly influential opposition to the empirical-quantitative course taken by political science and political philosophy.
This study explores Strauss's ideas highlighting the unconventional mixture of substance and style that gives them an arrestingly idiosyncratic character. Substantively, Strauss belonged to the pre-modern intellectual tradition that understood Truth as accessible and knowable through philosophical contemplation. The form of his argumentation, however, his relentless critique of modernity and the moderns, is conducted with all the cognitive weaponry provided for by the modernist intellectual style.  相似文献   

19.
Labour market institutions in most European countries are caught mid-stream between flexibility and coordination. On the one hand, most countries fail to capture the positive externalities that may arise from the mutual interdependence of institutions and ground level labour market behaviour. Productive and commercial changes make it exceptionally difficult to create such coordination arrangements. At the same time, there has not been a widespread rejection of labour market institutions. This can be seen in the cautious and pragmatic manner with which most European countries approach the themes of flexibility and deregulation. The common pattern has been to mesh flexibility and regulation. Thus whilst institutions still matter their role should not be overstated. In many ways, a governance gap is emerging in the European labour market.  相似文献   

20.
This article analyses the content of the 2017 general election manifestos, and introduces the latest estimates from the Manifesto Project to explore recent ideological movements in the British party system. It reports the changing policy emphases in Conservative and Labour manifestos and the ideological positions of the major political parties in 2017. It finds that Theresa May's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1964, and that Jeremy Corbyn's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1992 and the election before the advent of New Labour. The article also finds that the ideological space between the Conservatives and Labour opened up in 2017, and that Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionists published the most right‐wing manifesto.  相似文献   

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