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One aspect of the multifaceted controversy on value change in advanced industrial societies concerns the measurement of values. Analyses of 1976–86 Euro-Barometer data have indicated that responses to the four-item “materialist-postmaterialist” values index are very sensitive to current economic conditions, especially inflation and unemployment rates and, hence, much of the recorded increase in postmaterialism in eight Western European countries since the mid-1970s is artifactual. Although it has been claimed these findings disappear if more recent data are considered, time series analyses reveal that responses to the values measure are strongly affected by prevailing economic conditions throughout the entire 1976–92 period. These aggregate-level findings are buttressed by individual-level analyses of 1989 Euro-Barometer data. 相似文献
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We investigate the effect of ballot order on the outcomes of California city council and school board elections. Candidates listed first win office between four and five percentage points more often than expected absent order effects. This first candidate advantage is larger in races with more candidates and for higher quality candidates. The first candidate advantage is similar across contexts: the magnitude of the effect is not statistically distinguishable in city council and in school board elections, in races with and without an open seat, and in races consolidated and not consolidated with statewide general elections. Standard satisficing models cannot fully explain ballot order effects in our dataset of multi-winner elections. 相似文献
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Political Behavior - The introduction and popularity of politically biased news sources represents a significant historical shift in the media environment, with important unexplored consequences.... 相似文献
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Conventional views of African politics imply that Africans' political opinions are based either on enduring cultural values or their positions in the social structure. In contrast, we argue that Africans form attitudes to democracy based upon what they learn about what it is and does . This learning hypothesis is tested against competing cultural, institutional, and structural theories to explain citizens' demand for democracy (legitimation) and their perceived supply of democracy (institutionalization) with data from 12 Afrobarometer attitude surveys conducted between 1999 and 2001. A multilevel model that specifies and estimates the impacts of both individual- and national-level factors provides evidence of learning from three different sources. First, people learn about the content of democracy through cognitive awareness of public affairs. Second, people learn about the consequences of democracy through direct experience of the performance of governments and (to a lesser extent) the economy. Finally, people draw lessons about democracy from national political legacies. 相似文献
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直接民主与间接民主是民主的两种实现形式。在现代性的语境中,大规模的直接民主在政治上缺乏现实性,间接民主成为民主政体中的主流方式。间接民主作为一种治理模式本身也存在着由“代表权”与“科层制”引发的内在矛盾,这使得其运作往往会产生反民主的结果,对此可以从政府制度的完善与成熟市民社会的培育两个方面着手解决。 相似文献
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Shaun Bowler Stephen P. Nicholson Gary M. Segura 《American journal of political science》2006,50(1):146-159
Although dramatic partisan change among the electorate is infrequent, the issue agendas of parties may produce large shifts. A major cause of such change is the politics of race. In a political environment charged with racially oriented issues, racial groups often align themselves with different parties (as witnessed most recently in the American South). Yet, if racial appeals violate norms of equality, these appeals may rebound on the party using them. Consequently, members of the (white) racial majority and racially targeted minority may both move away from the offending party. Using data from the California Field Poll, we find that racially charged ballot propositions sponsored by the Republican party during the 1990s in California reversed the trend among Latinos and Anglos toward identifying as Republican, ceteris paribus, by shifting party attachments toward the Democratic party. Our results raise serious questions about the long-term efficacy of racially divisive strategies for electoral gain. 相似文献
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“Racial Threat”, Partisan Climate, and Direct Democracy: Contextual Effects in Three California Initiatives 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Does context—racial, economic, fiscal, and political—affect whites’ votes on racially-related ballot propositions? We examine non-Hispanic whites’ voting behavior on three California ballot initiatives: Propositions 187, 209, and 227. Unlike previous analyses that lacked individual-level data and were therefore limited to ecological inference, we combine individual-level data from exit polls with county-level contextual variables in a hierarchical linear model. Racial/ethnic context affected whites’ votes only on Proposition 187, economic context had no influence on vote choice, and the effect of fiscal context was limited to Proposition 227. However, across the propositions, whites’ decisions were shaped by their political context. Thus, we do not find support for the “racial threat” hypothesis across all racially-charged issues. 相似文献
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Analysing data for the 1995 Regional Elections in Brussels weshow how the layout of the ballot affects voting behaviour asreflected by the candidates' preferential votes. We discusshow this special case of Ballot Position Effects can bereconciled with existing models of (expressive) voting. 相似文献
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Monty G. Marshall 《Society》2011,48(1):24-35
The issue of measurement has seized the public eye more than ever before. The computer, communication, and information revolutions
have produced a veritable flood of facts and observations on every imaginable topic and subject from every nook and cranny
on earth, and beyond. Information overload challenges both our sensibilities and our abilities to process and organize knowledge;
everything must be measured, compared, rated, and ranked. The demand for informational order has grown far faster than the
ability to deliver. The public obsession with order and ordering to the minutest detail can be both consuming and obscuring.
On the surface, inaccurate and inappropriate measures command the same allusion to mathematical precision as the more accurate
and reliable measures. The focus of measurement in the social sciences is on identifying common metrics that accurately capture
the essential quality of key factors and attributes that define complex, social phenomena. Objective and subjective assessments
must be separated to the degree possible. Similarly, in social processes, means and ends must be distinguished in order to
gauge performance. Governance and social order are, to a greater degree than any other social phenomena, based in commonalities
of collective action and response. These constitute the means of history and should be distinguished from the ends so we can
better understand how the past got us to the present and what we might make of the future. From a secular perspective, the
purpose of democracy is to define and refine democratic purpose, the success of which can be measured as a conflict management
function. Factionalism and the polarization of dissent present major impediments to the consolidation of democracy. 相似文献
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Manabu Saeki 《政策研究评论》2006,23(4):915-925
Many studies have argued that the initiative process in U.S. state governments strengthened the proximity between the citizens' preferences and policy output. In contrast, this study hypothesizes that the direct initiative process weakens, rather than strengthens, the link between citizen preferences and state fiscal policy. Governments respond to the threat of initiatives but only those of conservative agendas. The results show that while the level and the progressivity of tax rates in the states without direct initiatives are influenced by citizen preferences, those in states with direct initiatives are more conservative than those without direct initiatives and the former are insulated from the influence of the citizen preferences. 相似文献
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EDWARD PEARCE 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(2):407-413
The word‘democracy’ to be distinguished from the thing‘democracy.’ Removal by the Italian parliament of a corrupt and scandalous Premier for a respected, honest technician and a form of civil service government does not infringe the second category. Referendums give strength to a handful of already overmighty rich men controlling media outlets. Witness Fox Radio and TV and the poison of Glen Beck, also the virulent nationalism of the Murdoch and Desmond papers. Note the fifty plus year lag in enfranchising women in Switzerland, a self‐evident democratic advance held back by ‘the voice of the people’ in successive referendums. Government should be free from populism and be run by educated, intelligent people both in parliament and the Civil Service. ‘Yes Minister,’ however amusing, has done us a disservice. I would trust a senior civil servant above a press lord any day of the week. Witness the good sense of the Upper House in its current informed and experienced composition. The Lords blocked Tony Blair's plans to by‐pass Habeas Gorpus, refusing authoritarian government to an elected Premier with no sense of the rule of law or constitutional principle. 相似文献
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This article explores public sector responsiveness to voter‐led initiatives, specifically, the degree to which public managers attempt to lock in resources before they are constrained by a particular initiative. The authors posit that such behavior, which they term “beating the clock,” is a function of the potential impact of the proposed initiative, the degree to which managers can react to the initiative's central issues, and the perceived likelihood of passage. Although scholars have explored different responses to voter‐led initiatives, this particular form of strategic behavior has yet to be studied. Using longitudinal data on public debt issuance, hypotheses are tested in the context of a reform proposed through the initiative process in Colorado in 2010. Results show that the number of debt issues increased by roughly 150 percent in advance of a potentially binding election, indicating the ability to preempt formal initiative efforts in certain policy areas. 相似文献
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渐进政治改革与民主的转型(上) 总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9
何增科 《北京行政学院学报》2004,(3):10-14
中国的政治改革和经济改革一样,走的也是一条渐进改革的道路.中国正处于通过政治改革从全能主义向权威主义和最终向民主主义政治体制转变的政治转型期.改革政治学研究显得尤为迫切.改革政治学应当重点研究中国政治体制改革的基本思路、优选之路、动力机制、历史进程、发展前景等重大问题.本文在这些方面进行了初步的探索. 相似文献
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In response to rapid population and economic growth, many communities have turned to voter initiatives to resolve their land use disputes. We find that despite strong public concern about growth, voters often support measures that allow or encourage new development. We consider the sources of this support by analyzing patterns of voting on a range of prodevelopment ballot initiatives. These initiatives provide a valuable opportunity to understand how economic self-interest, geography, interest group endorsements, and public goods affect citizen support for development policies. We find that interest group endorsements significantly increase public support for new development. These endorsements help voters evaluate the personal impact of complex development proposals and allow voters to behave in ways that reflect a high degree of sophistication . 相似文献
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刘永佶 《北京行政学院学报》2002,(2):34-37
社会主义市场经济是中国经济矛盾演变的必要阶段.作为经济体制,它是社会主义制度的具体化,因此必须坚持社会主义原则,其核心就是民主.民主原则的制度化,形成社会主义法制体系.实行社会主义市场经济是克服旧的统制经济体制缺陷的历史性变革,其关键就在于以民主法制规范经济生活的各个层面和环节,并以执法、立法机构予以保证,由此促进经济的健康有序发展. 相似文献
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刘永佶 《北京行政学院学报》2002,(3):29-33
社会主义市场经济体制,不仅对中国,对全世界来说也是一个新事物.对此,仅靠吸收、借鉴资本主义市场经济的机制和经验是远远不够的,而应由中国的社会主义者,根据中国的特殊矛盾,进行创造性探索,在明确而系统的理论指导下,有步骤、分层次、综合统筹地建立和发展. 相似文献