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美国对外政策的制定通常需要有民意基础,然而现有研究鲜有从美国民众的视角探究美国对台军售。本文基于美国人对华态度实证调研的数据,利用单因子试验法测试美国民众在“中美关系”和“对台军售”间的权衡,并采用logistic模型来检查影响美国民众对台军售支持率的主要因素。结果表明即使对台军售会严重恶化或危害中美关系,58%的美国民众依然支持美国对台军售。政治倾向(温和派)、媒体和信息渠道(收听广播和浏览网络频率)、个人因素(性别、年龄)等是影响美国民众对台军售支持率的主要因素。终止美国对台军售,我国一方面需要有更加强有力的反制措施,另一方面可以尝试通过长期规划的网络传播手段来扭转美国民众对对台军售的支持。 相似文献
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自从台湾问题形成以来,美国历任总统都实行“双轨政策”,一方面承认“台湾是中国的一部分”,但又从没有放弃对“台独”的支持,如对台军售。了解美国民众涉台观点的形成和受到哪些因素的影响对我国制定相应的涉台政策有着重要意义。本文先后采用univariateprobit、bivari-ateprobit和seeminglyunrelatedbivariateprobit模型对美国民众在台湾省地位的认同和对台军售支持进行回归分析。分析结果显示美国民众对中国台湾省地位的认同显著地影响对台军售支持,认同“台湾是中国一部分”的美国民众在对台军售方面的支持也显著要高。这充分证实了美国是典型的现实主义者,他利用台湾问题来阻滞中国大陆的发展和海峡两岸的和平统一。 相似文献
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对外军售是美国实现国家利益的重要工具。作为维系美台关系的纽带,美对台军售在美国对华战略中占有重要的地位。 美对台军售始终服从并服务于其国家利益,它是美国对华战略的一个重要工具。 相似文献
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对外军售是美国实现国家利益的重要工具.作为维系美台关系的纽带,美对台军售在美国对华战略中占有重要的地位.…… 相似文献
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今年4月,是自1998年以来美台间第四次军售会议。为此,台湾当局不久前又向美国提交了包括“基德”级导弹驱逐舰和“宙斯盾”级舰在内的一揽子军火采购计划,企图推动布什新政府上台后的首次对台军售案。最近,美国国务卿鲍威尔称:“我们有义务确保台湾有能力保护自己”。并表示美对台“六项保证”仍然有效,即:对台军售不在事前与中国咨商,不设定终止对台军售期限;不 相似文献
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<正>10月5至7日,第13次"美台防务工业会议"在美国弗吉尼亚州威廉斯堡举行。美国国务院、国防部、美国在台协会、台湾防务部门官员及民进党代表,与美军工业界、智库学者就美台安全合作及对台军售等问题进行研讨,研究台湾对美国战略重心重新转向亚洲的潜在作用、台湾的防御能力和未来5—10年的军事计划,讨论可能的美国对台军售过程的新方法,研究扩大现有美台安全合作模式的途径,以及评估台湾自制潜艇的计划。 相似文献
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This article analyzes the United States 'dual track' policy on arms sales and technology transfers to the China mainland and Taiwan. Despite its 'one China' policy, the US has continued to sell arms to Taiwan and provide Taiwan with military technology. At the same time, Washington is unwilling to transfer certain technology to the China mainland. The US 'dual track' policy of arms sales and technology transfer to both sides of the Taiwan Strait has maintained a strategic balance by developing closer relations with Beijing while maintaining the security of the Republic of China on Taiwan. Washington's objectives are to enhance Sino‐American relations and to maintain Taiwan's security while not unsettling the generally positive Sino‐American relationship. While this policy has caused tensions in US‐PRC relations, this 'unbalanced balance' has served US interests in maintaining Taiwan's security and has not strained Washington‐Beijing relations to the breaking point. 相似文献
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Wei-Chin Lee 《当代中国》2000,9(23):53-75
The US has maintained a keen interest in Taiwan's military security for decades, and US arms transfer to Taiwan has become an especially important issue for both China and Taiwan since the normalization of US-China relations. This study attempts to examine US arms transfer policy toward Taiwan since the late 1970s. What factors have been involved in the formulation and implementation of US arms transfer policy? How have structural changes in the international system, such as the end of the Cold War, affected the policy? Since the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979 allowed continued sales for Taiwan's security and the US-PRC Joint Communique on 17 August 1982 agreed to decrease arms sales to Taiwan, how has the US resolved the contradiction between the two sets of policies? Finally, what is the effect of US arms transfer on Taiwan's national security and defense industry? 相似文献
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历史叙事实则体现了写作主体的精神动态,通过历史叙事呈现,我们可以洞察主体意识形态走向.鉴于台湾文学史的特性以及两岸相隔的现实,大陆的台湾文学史写作更突出了距离对视中包含的种种政治文化想像,通过考察历史叙事提供的言说疆域版图,一方面可以探掘这一想像空间的多面维度,另一方面也可以完善学科的发展建设.本文选择刘登翰、杨匡汉、黎湘萍以及朱立立等所撰写的几本台湾文学史著作为样本,试析大陆学者台湾文学史理论视野的位移及其背后意识形态的变动. 相似文献
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Mark S. Adelman 《当代中国》1997,6(14):125-138
Since the enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979, the executive branch and the legislative branch have diverged on US‐Taiwan relations. As the executive branch created its version of the TRA, the Congress exerted its influence by adding security provisions. Yielding to the influence of Congress, President Carter accepted and signed into law the TRA. The 1982 Joint Communiqué contradicts the TRA. President Reagan signed this Communiqué which pledges that the US will decrease its arms sales to Taiwan. However, the TRA binds the US, by law, to sell a sufficient amount of defensive weapons to Taiwan for its security. How can the US provide sufficient amounts of defensive weapons to Taiwan if the US is decreasing its arms sales to Taiwan? The security provisions that Congress placed in the TRA comes into conflict with a presidential foreign policy statement. This paper finds that there is and has been a divergence of actions that occur even though the rhetoric and statements made by both sides seem similar. Traditionally, the Congress, has been the supporter, friend, and ally of Taiwan, whereas the administrations have been more concerned with US‐PRC relations. The TRA, being the law of the land, is contradicted by the 1982 Joint Communiqué. This paper illustrates the most recent differences between the Congress and Clinton administration. 相似文献
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本文以《看见十九世纪台湾——十四位西方旅行者的福尔摩沙故事》(Curious Investigations:19th-century American and European Impressions of Taiwan)为主要分析对象,将西方人讲述的台湾故事当做西方对东方的观看和关于台湾的知识生产,探讨何种事物被选择为讲述对象,考察来自西方的“凝视”(gaze)究竟产生了怎样的台湾图景.首先,将西方旅行者对台湾自然事物的发现与19世纪西方的科学发展相联系,说明对未知世界的探险、科学化的叙述和世界范围内的知识传播是由西方主导的.而旅行者对台湾人文景观的记录则表现为观察与被观察、控制与被控制的权力关系,是西方主体对东方他者的认知投射.第二,借用文化与社会关键词的论述,将旅行者对台湾人文与社会的讲述集中于一些有代表性的词汇中,如“野蛮人”、汉人与儒家文化等,这些词汇体现了西方主体的意识与观念,呈现了当时西方眼中的台湾知识地图.原住民被作为讲述中心可能与西方眼中的文明位阶相关;汉人和儒家文化受到贬抑是中华文明衰落和西方文明崛起的世界格局所决定的. 相似文献
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Daojiong Zha 《当代中国》1994,3(5):40-63
This paper sees “Greater China” as a would‐be reunited China that includes the present PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao. The coming into being of a “Greater China” hinges on future domestic politics in the PRC and Taiwan and among the triangle of Beijing‐Taipei‐Hong Kong. It also hinges on American, British, and Japanese policies addressing the current trends of economic integration and political accommodation among the three Chinese entities. Of the external variables, future U.S. politics toward the PRC, and toward the evolution of political exchanges on the Beijing‐Taipei trajectory will be the most decisive. Economic and political developments in the past fifteen years have brightened the prospect of Chinese reunification, but national reunification remains a complicated and protracted process. 相似文献
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中美关系与两岸关系的大格局,决定了美国涉台关系的变化趋势.在政治上,美国乐见国民党连续执政和两岸关系的和平发展,但对于台湾被迫走向统一,存有疑虑,希望及时把握两岸和谈的具体进程.美方对台湾在“国防”、“外交”等领域予以多方面支持的目的,从短期看是同步强化美台关系,维护美国在台海地区的既有利益;从长期看则是增加台湾在两岸谈判中的筹码,谋取美国在台湾问题最终解决方案上的主动权. 相似文献