Economic or Political Development: The Evolution of "Native" Local Government Policy in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1945–1963

In 1969, Speaker of the House Assembly of Papua and New Guinea John Guise, spoke of a "quiet decision" to limit the activities of "Native" Local Government Councils in the Territory, so that "they seem to be much more like those of Australian Shire Councils" . The present essay suggests that this "quiet decision", contrary to conventional wisdom, was not simply part of a colonial policy designed to serve "assimilationist purposes". Rather, the restricted role finally accorded to local councils was a corollary of the enhanced, post-war capacity of the metropolitan state. Early local government policy never envisaged councils as a first step toward self-government. Rather, councils were to be vehicles for securing the "systematic development of native agricultural potential". The decision to limit the scope of local government policy reflected not a rejection of this initial intent, but rather agrarian reform after 1956 was re-constituted as an object of direct government control. The legacy of local government in Papua New Guinea is not so much one of 'white' colonialism, but of 'development' entrapped in trusteeship.     

Local Government in Japan: New Directions in Governance toward Citizens' Autonomy

Local autonomy is a fundamental base for making democracy work, and is often referred to as a “school in democracy.” However, in Japan to date, local autonomy has suffered from a substantial gap between what it should be in an ideal form and what it has been in reality. This article explores a desirable and effective reform of local governance with the advent of the “local era,” which is prompting unprecedented levels of citizens' attention to local authorities.     

Engaging with Asia: the Chifley Government and the New Delhi Conferences of 1947 and 1949

This article is a study of the Chifley government's foreign policy towards Asia, in particular India and Indonesia, as evidenced by Australia's attendance at the 1947 Asian Relations Conference and the 1949 New Delhi Conference on the Indonesian‐Dutch conflict. Australia's presence at these two conferences provides an ideal opportunity to examine the Chifley government's response to the momentous changes that occurred in post‐war Asia as a result of the dismantling of the European colonial world order. Through detailed examination of the archival material and contemporary accounts generated from Australia's involvement in the New Delhi conferences, this article will argue that despite significant political constraints, the Chifley government did adopt a distinctive and innovative policy towards the emergent nations of Asia in the immediate post‐war years.     

British Policy in the Arab–Israeli Arena 1973–2004

British policy has oscillated between a ‘Diplomatic’ and a ‘Strategic’ orientation. The Diplomatic orientation regards the Arab–Israeli conflict as the most important element in Middle East policy, while the Strategic orientation views the conflict as less important than the need to contain radical anti-Western forces in the region. The Strategic orientation is associated with a mutually reinforcing combination of ideological sympathy for Israel, a pro-US orientation and the Prime Minister, while the Diplomatic orientation is associated with a mutually reinforcing combination of ideological sympathy for the Palestinians, the Foreign Office, a pro-European orientation and, to a deceasing extent, commercial interests. Since 1973, in an attempt to manage its declining power, Britain's has sought to ‘bridge’ the widely differing EU and US approaches, in order to achieve maximum influence and relevance. On occasion, this strategy has succeeded, however Blair's ambition to be the pivot at the centre of international involvement in the region is completely unrealistic. For while ‘bridging’ allows Britain the satisfying sense of ’punching above its weight’ in the Middle East, it often produces the appearance, rather than the reality, of substantive influence.     

Theorizing simple commodity production in Papua New Guinea

In the social sciences it often takes several generations to dislodge obsolescence. In the meantime, serious mistakes can be, and are made, hurting the lives of millions of hapless people. In poor countries…the mistakes can be costly. And the funerals premature and unnecessary—funerals, not of social scientists, who usually operate from a secure haven, but of the designated beneficiaries of development policies formulated on the basis of faulty premises and paradigms.     

从组织行为模式看印尼大规模社交限制政策中的中央与地方关系

面对新冠肺炎疫情,印尼政府推出了大规模社交限制政策,其显著特点是中央和地方政府共同参与防疫.印尼地方政府在这项政策的出台与实施阶段扮演着怎样的角色?中央政府与地方政府间存在怎样的联动关系?这些都可以运用艾利森提出的政府决策组织行为模式进行分析.在大规模社交限制政策的出台与实施过程中,印尼中央政府各部门、中央政府与地方政府组织的行动均相互关联,各部门间存在显著的联动关系.这种联动关系的存在以及印尼的地方自治制度使地方政府可以通过变通执行、制定特殊政策、进行反馈等方式影响中央政府的政策内容及最终实施效果.随着地方自治制度下地方政府职能的加强,作为中央政府的基层组织,地方政府不再只是机械地执行中央政府政策的工具,而是所在地区社会服务的主要提供者.     

"Cold Storage": British Policy and the Beginnings of the Irian Barat/West New Guinea Dispute

During the struggle for independence, the British had sought to bring the Dutch and the Indonesians together: they wanted the friendship of the Dutch, their neighbours in Europe, but also believed that the Western powers could stay in Southeast Asia only if they came to terms with nationalism. The 1949 agreement that transferred sovereignty postponed the question of Irian Barat/West New Guinea. The British rather hoped that the Dutch would stay but,particularly as the Cold War intensified, did not wish to alienate the Indonesians. If no agreement could be reached on the issue, they wanted to put it into "cold storage" for a number of years. The Australian government was not satisfied with these policies. It opposed an Indonesian takeover, or indeed any Indonesian role in West New Guinea. Its aim was thepreservation of the status quo: even "cold storage" was insufficient.     

构建现代环境治理体系中地方政府的创造性执行

坚持和完善生态文明制度体系,构建现代环境治理体系,需要地方政府的创造性执行,把生态文明的制度优势转化为生态环境保护和环境治理效能,切实改善环境质量,不断满足人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要,建设美丽中国。推动地方政府的创造性执行,要建立必要的制度保障,核心就是地方政府推动发展的强力激励与地方政府生态环境主导责任落实的制度...     

新时代背景下地方政府智慧政务建设路径研究——以云南省为例

党的十九届四中全会为地方政府加强和创新社会治理、推进社会治理现代化、提高社会治理效能和水平提供了行动遵循。我国地方政府应从强化资源整合、设立协作平台、优化第三方合作等方面进行路径探索,推动我国地方政府在新时代背景下的智慧政务建设,营造发展新格局。     

Israel's Exit from Africa, 1973: The Road to Diplomatic Isolation

In 1973 25 Black African states severed diplomatic relations with Israel. This article examines the motives that brought the African countries to shun Israel and the manner in which the Israelis attempted to cope with their growing ‘pariahtude’. The African states sought to achieve unity on their continent, avoid their own isolation, and advance the international norms that they espoused. The Black African countries claimed that no hostility attended their decisions to break ties with Israel. Yet, as this article demonstrates, their imposition of a quarantine on Israel was an act of indirect violence. By early 1974 officials of the Israeli Foreign Ministry attempted a reformulation of policy toward Black Africa but could ameliorate in no effective manner the isolation imposed upon their country.