Anarchism, Internationalism and Nationalism in Europe, 1860–1939

This article is part of a broader project on the social history or histories of anarchism. The standard accounts of anarchism (Nettlau, Joll, Woodcock, Marshall etc.) have been combinations of the histories of ideas and political/social movements. A larger project I am engaged in uses another methodology and is reliant upon the vast outpouring of published and unpublished academic writing on social history that has been produced since the 1960s. I will cover only several interconnected themes here: anarchism, internationalism and nationalism in Europe. This article will give a synoptic overview of the internationalism of the European anarchist and syndicalist movements during the “classical” period of anarchism (1860–1939). It focuses on the First and Second Internationals and the birth of the Third. It examines the ideology and culture of Internationalism, which was the nursery of the modern anarchist movement. The linkage between federalist and regionalist republicanism is stressed and the legacy of the Paris Commune of 1871 is highlighted. The desire to secure a global level playing field in labour markets promoted labour internationalism during the First International and a revival of this strategy by anarchists and syndicalists during the era of the Second International. The mismatch of industrial development and union density between industrialised Britain or Germany and artisanal and industrialising France and southern Europe limited internationalism in the 1860s and the 1900s. Equally the patriotic legacy of the Commune of Paris undermined the internationalism of anarchists and syndicalists when war broke out in 1914. In 1917–1918 anarchist and syndicalist internationalism seemed to be revived as Europe entered a period of revolutionary discontent. But very quickly the Bolsheviks and the Soviet Union channelled this wave into the Third International and ultimately the interests of the newly born Soviet State. Anarchist and syndicalist internationalism had little effect on the fortunes of the anarchists in the Spanish Civil War in a world of nation‐states and state‐centric political parties and movements.     

Slovak Perceptions of the Ottoman Legacy in Eastern Europe

In recent years there has been much debate about whether the activities of missionaries were an act of religious altruism or a medium of cultural expansion and a preparation for political involvement. The American expedition occurred during the early years of modern Western – as yet mainly British, French and Russian – penetration of the Ottoman realms. The immediate effect was to draw the East into the rapidly expanding capitalist world economy while containing the ambitions of rival powers in order to prepare for the Sublime Porte's ultimate dismemberment. This phase of missionary activity represented something extraordinary, because the Americans were attempting to impose their kind of Christianity, namely, Protestantism, on communities which had been Christian well before the Christian American identity came into being. This article examines the formation of the American Protestant missionaries' activities in Anatolia; missionaries' evaluations of events within the Empire, and their relations with the Armenians will be the focus of the analysis. In other words, attention will be drawn to how the missionary enterprise fostered Armenian nationalism by introducing Western political ideals and promoting Armenian cultural identity through education and the press discussed. Rather than examining the Armenian Question, this paper will trace the genesis of Armenian nationalism through the Boards' Protestant Anatolia vision.     

韩国现代化进程中市民社会的发展

本文试图将韩国市民社会的发展放在韩国政府主导的压缩式现代化过程中来分析,由此来思考韩国市民社会异化的重要因素,并强调要在个人连续的行动过程中看待由于人们实践意识的连续性而出现的社会现象."民族意识"、"国家权威意识"、"恨意识"都是韩国民众在长期日常生活与政治生活中内化到头脑里的实践意识,是在韩国快速工业化过程中重新建构、强化的产物,成为了韩国的"自性".同时人们在行动中受这些实践意识的影响,主观建构着社会结构.但是在国家现代化过程中不健全的制度环境下,这些行动意识会使人们的行动出现偏差和异化.     

“欧洲化”进程与中东欧国家的政党政治变迁

随着欧盟因素的介入,中东欧各国在政治经济和社会生活方面发生了许多重要变化,即出现了学界所称的欧洲化现象,中东欧国家政党也不可避免地受到了欧洲化进程的影响。作为一种超越国家层面的政治社会化过程,欧洲化促使中东欧国家的政党做出调整和改变,以适应新的定位和功能。同时,在欧洲化深入的过程中,中东欧国家的政党政治也面临着巨大的困难和挑战。     

The Civil Society Discourse in Iran

A survey of recent Iranian books and journal articles reveals four important characteristics about how writers and academics in Iran generally perceive the concept of civil society. First and foremost, the notion of 'civil society' has gone through a substantial process of indigenization. Secondly, those who theorize about the concept see a crucial role in it for the 'rule of law'. This implies, both directly and indirectly, a primary role for the State, 'coexisting in harmony' and functioning as an integral part of civil society. Thirdly, even Iran's secular theorists have not been able to fully evade the gravitational pull of Islam and its overwhelming role in Iranian culture and society. At the very least, they maintain that civil society is possible only after a 'proper' interpretation of Islam gains popular acceptance. Finally, these authors frequently mention the 'image' that non-Iranians have of the Iranian nation. The importance of this self-perception lies in its implications for how the élite literati articulates 'culture' and portrays it to the public and, in turn, to non-Iranians. Essentially, this appears to be where the most lasting consequences of the discovery of 'civil society' in Iran seem to lie: whereas the articulations of Iranian scholars and politicians appear to be little more than a native version of a global academic trend, they seem to have ignited a subtle process of cultural re-orientation and re-articulation under the rubric of religion and an institutionalized Islamic Republican State.     

Environmental Movements and the Emergence of Civil Society in Greece

The generally acknowledged weakness of civil society in Greece has obstructed the solution of many urgent environmental problems. Since the 1970s these weaknesses have begun to be overcome by various environmental movements. Community protests have checked many state-backed construction projects and have been helped by increasingly self-assertive forces consisting of elected local authorities, private radio stations, courts of law, and voluntary environmental associations. The last have been staffed by the growing class of professionals, especially in schools and universities. These bodies have also shown growing readiness to cooperate in positive environmental initiatives. In response, governments have shown greater sensitivity to public opinion on environmental issues, and increasing readiness to consult outside bodies.     

Eastern Europe and Japan-U.S. economic relations

Japan will probably benefit from changes in Eastern Europe. The government has offered a $1.9 billion assistance package to Hungary and Poland, its businesses are cautiously concluding joint ventures and investments there, and it is cooperating with Europe and the United States in reconstruction efforts. The effects on Japan-U.S. relations will be small though positive, since cooperative efforts on aid and in relaxing export controls seem to out-weigh risks of confrontation. The perception of an economic threat from Japan, however, is rising as cold war tensions ease.     

中东欧解放与苏联的历史贡献

反法西斯战争的胜利是全世界追求正义与和平的人民的胜利,苏联在战争中所作出的牺牲与贡献都是无与伦比的。苏军不仅抵抗并消灭了四分之三的法西斯军队,而且直接参与解放了11个欧洲国家共100万平方公里土地,1.13亿人口,100多万苏军官兵为中东欧人民的解放献出了生命。战后六十年来,世界发生了翻天覆地的变化,但人们不会也不应忘记苏联在这场正义与邪恶、光明和黑暗的殊死搏斗中所作出的贡献。战后世界格局的形成与苏军的巨大贡献和牺牲是分不开的,在研究战后国际政治时,不能忘记这一历史事实。     

波兰参与中东欧区域合作机制的策略与挑战

波兰是世界上公认的典型的“中等强国”,是中东欧区域实力最强的国家。冷战结束以来,波兰利用自己特殊的地缘优势,积极加强与中欧、东部邻国和广大中东欧国家的合作,创建或参与了“维谢格拉德集团”“东部伙伴关系”“中欧倡议国”组织“三海倡议”等合作机制,力图成为这些合作机制中的核心和引领国家,并希望借助这些合作机制,加强波兰的影响力。波兰对中东欧区域合作的积极参与和倡导,极大地加强了“大海之间”国家的合作,但由于波兰综合实力有限,加上中东欧各国的国家利益具有较大差异,并普遍存在对俄罗斯的能源依赖,波兰在实现战略目标时面临巨大的限制和挑战。如果波兰试图在区域合作中四处出击,平均用力,反而不利于其发挥“中等强国”的影响力。     

Changes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union: The effects on China

The rapidly changing political, economic, and security policies in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in late 1989 and 1990 have added to the complications faced by Chinese leaders since they decided to suppress the unprecedented large-scale pro-democracy demonstrations in Chinese cities in spring 1989. These changes had an obvious “ripple effect” in China, encouraging prodemocracy forces and alarming Chinese leaders. They attracted strong positive attention from the developed countries of the West and Japan, and international financial institutions and businesses. This came at the indirect expense of China. And they accelerated changes in world politics (especially in U.S.-Soviet relations) and in the politics of government decision making in the West that promised to reduce China’s relative influence in world affairs in the 1990s. The prospect of reduced influence abroad and curbed economic contacts did not appear to be sufficient cause for Beijing leaders to markedly change existing policies. Chinese leaders in mid-1990 appeared focused on issues of internal political power at a time of leadership transition. Significant changes in policy appeared most likely to await leadership changes as Deng Xiaoping and other aged leaders die or are incapacitated.     

The Global Gold Mining Industry,Junior Firms,and Civil Society Resistance in Guatemala

Over the past two decades, the gold mining industry has increased its activity in Latin America. Growing contestation and conflict around gold mining projects have accompanied this shift. This article draws from the case of Guatemala, where metal exploration has grown by 1,000 per cent since 1998, to illustrate how the proliferation of small ‘junior’ firms – together with neoliberal investment policies and suitability of mineralisation – set the stage for fly‐by‐night gold mining and, therefore, intense resistance from host communities to mineral development.     

Mapping Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt,Lebanon and Turkey

This article comparatively assesses the meaning of civil society in Egypt, Lebanon and Turkey, by utilising the results of a study conducted among civil society actors. In recent decades, civil society has become integral to discussions of political liberalisation. At the same time, there is a growing rift between international democracy promotion through investment in civil society and the more critical literature on the relationship between the two. This article makes three contributions to these debates by comparing the actual experiences of civil society actors. First, it argues that the boundaries between states and civil societies are indeterminate, making it problematic to expect civil society organisations alone to become catalysts for regime transformation. Second, it shows that expectations of monolithic generation of civic values through civil society organisations do not reflect the actual experience of actors in this realm. Finally, it argues for taking into consideration other sources of mobilisation as potential contributors to meaningful political and social transformation.     

Existential Terrorism: Civil Society and its Enemies

This paper explores the attitude of contemporary terrorism towards civil society, the intermediate realm between the family and the state that accommodates the free play of economic and cultural forces and individual and group interests. Terrorism now targets not only people and institutions that operate within civil society but civil society itself, i.e., terrorism increasingly targets the very possibility of an autonomous realm of everyday life. This tendency is found in the Islamism of Al‐Qaeda, but also in any group that adheres to the “Augustinian paradigm” of civil society that arose in the West and dominates radical ideologies. An exploration of this situation illuminates both the nature and tactics of contemporary terrorism and the role of civil society itself.     

Transnationalism,Nationalism and Australian History

Transnationalism, Nationalism and Australian History . Edited by Anna Clark, Anne Rees and Alecia Simmonds (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), pp.199, £67.99 (hb).