族群认同与国家认同：和谐何以可能

族群认同与国家认同的关系是学界、政界关注的话题,一种观点认为二者只能是冲突关系。实际上,二者是兼容的,处理得当的话,可以实现和谐共生。     

论多元文化主义的缘起

多元文化主义是一种价值立场，一种意识形态。多元文化主义在西方国家的起源有着复杂的民族构成因素，也是自由主义危机的表征之一。美国20世纪五六十年代的民权运动、加拿大的“加拿大化运动”、澳大利亚的经济振兴需要是三个国家多元文化主义兴起的具体原因。     

多元文化主义:美国的特洛伊木马?——阿尔文·施密德对多元文化主义的批判

阿尔文.施密德把多元文化主义视作现代的特洛伊木马,认为两者的相似之处在于:首先,特洛伊人对城外巨大的木马产生了很大的兴趣,美国人则对多元文化主义现象抱有极大的热情;其次,特洛伊人曾被警告不要把木马搬进城,但他们不顾警告还是把木马拖进了城,同样,美国人也曾经得到告诫不要把多元文化主义引入美国社会,但是美国人并没有在意这些告诫;第三,和古代的特洛伊木马一样,这个现代的木马一旦深入到国家内部,藏匿在木马里的“将士”就会打开城门,让他们那些守在门外的同伴进入这个国家的院校、商业、政府与教堂等领地。为此,施密德从理论内涵和实践两个方面对多元文化主义进行了深刻的揭露和批判。     

藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状调查与分析

我国是一个多民族国家,各民族的国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状对民族团结和国家稳定意义重大,本调查以藏族大学生为样本,运用调查问卷结合个别访谈方法,对藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状进行调查,分析原因,探索提高藏族大学生国家认同和主流文化认同对策。     

美国的人口移民潮与多元文化主义的兴起

美国历史上出现过三次大的移民高潮,移民的到来改变了美国原有的民族结构,造成了主流文化与亚文化之间的冲突,导致了国家民族文化政策经历了由盎格鲁一致论、熔炉论、文化多元主义到多元文化主义发展的嬗变过程。     

国家形象的文化塑造--基于价值认同的视角北大核心CSSCI

在全球化时代,国家形象已成为各国外交博弈的核心领域乃至直接竞赛的战场。中国国家形象自我认知和他者认知之间存在的内外和区域性差异表明,国家形象的塑造必须进行战略性改变,调整经济和文化的优先序列,将文化纳入国家形象的首要考虑范畴并以此引导和塑造完整的中国形象。基于价值认同的视角,在国家形象的塑造中除了历史资源和文化符号的包装与营销外,方法论上应尽量采取普遍主义的原则,并尽力避免特殊主义的原则,在与国际社会分享共有价值观念的对话中增进他者对中国国家形象的认可。     

民族认同与国家认同:民族国家内部的认同冲突及其治理

由于现代民族与现代国家这两个复杂的概念背后各自持有一套价值旨趣和伦理规范,导致现代民族国家内部始终存在着两种难以完全重合的认同——民族认同与国家认同,而这两种认同的矛盾直接引发了诸多国家治理的难题。同时,在全球化的强力冲击下,“公民”概念也无法继续作为一种连接民族认同和国家认同的有效中介,必须探索一种团结多民族国家全体国民的新路径。而对以“文力”为代表的基于中国文化与历史基因的概念的深入研究,能够为世界提供一种不同于西方的“非我族类”思维惯性的国族整合之道。同时,对中国经验的总结和提炼,也有助于形成一种非“民族国家”模型的国家理论,这种新的国家理论指向的是天下大同、协和万邦的国际秩序。     

金里卡论自由的多元文化主义模式国际化的可能性

金里卡针对当前在处理国家与少数族群关系的问题上,国际社会致力于把自由的多元文化主义模式输出到"后共产主义"和"后殖民国家"的趋势,提出证明这种趋势合理性的四个假设。他对其中的一些假设进行了批驳,从而对西方自由的多元文化主义模式在"后共产主义国家"和"后殖民国家"的适用性提出了质疑。但从长远来看,他对自由的多元文化主义模式的全球普及充满信心。像西方很多自由主义者一样,金里卡的思想具有很强烈的普遍主义倾向,这是我们应当警惕的。对其自由的多元文化主义理论,我们应当批判地借鉴吸收,而不应当盲目套用。     

论现代文化的国家认同功能

传统国家到现代民族国家的转型,带来国家认同的变迁。全球化时代,国家认同面临新的挑战。现代文化的现代性、公共性、社会性、参与性特征是增进国家认同的积极因素。对于政府来说,现代文化建设是维护国家认同的一项长期而复杂的软系统工程。     

多元文化主义与马克思主义民族理论的两点比较

"多元文化主义"既是一种文化观、历史观、教育理念、公共政策,又是一种意识形态和价值观,但都和民族问题有关,属于民族理论的范畴。多元文化主义和马克思主义民族理论的一些主张相近或相同,但本质上属于不同的思想体系。在文化多样性问题上,多元文化主义提倡相对主义,马克思主义则讲发展、讲进化;多元文化主义强调"多元"和"差别",而马克思主义则是"多元"和"一体"的统一论者。在民族政策方面,与马克思主义民族理论指导下的社会主义国家相比,多元文化主义政策的实行有着很大的被动性,出现的时间要晚,内容上较简单,社会的认同度也不高。     

Shaping the Constitutional Dialogue on Federalism: Canada's Supreme Court as Meta-Political Actor

This article challenges the view that the Supreme Court hasbecome the predominant authority on the constitutional distributionof rights and entitlements among governments in the Canadianfederation. By assuming this position of supremacy, criticscontinue, the Court has usurped key policy functions that belongto political actors, a move that has undermined democratic governancein Canada. Against this view, we argue that the management ofCanada's federal constitutional architecture is a responsibilitythe courts share with key political actors. We describe theCourt's role as meta-political, whereby the Court's federalismjurisprudence supplements rather than subverts the constitutionalrole of political actors. We develop our thesis in relationto two subnational constituencies with a distinctive constitutionalstatus in Canada: the province of Quebec and Aboriginal FirstNations.     

Identity beyond borders: national identity and the post-colonial alternative

The study examines national identity in school curricula against the backdrop of globalization and its forces to create a universal global identity beyond particular affiliations. To that end, the study examines the problematic nature of Western notion of identity formation, and simultaneously asks whether political socialization in the nation-state school system is conducive of the development of cosmopolitan identity, an identity beyond national borders. Jordan, Israel, and Palestine are the three-case studies discussed in this article. Theoretically, the study contributes to the ongoing scholarly debate concerning the question of identity, political socialization, globalization, and nationalism. I make use of postcolonial theories to demonstrate the shortcomings of the logocentric way of theorizing identity as a binary twin, rooted in the relational formation between Self and Other, and search for alternative strategies to identity formation.     

From national identity to national security: China's changing responses toward India in 1962 and 1998

This article examines Russian Government policy towards Northeast Asia as an interplay between aspirations, which have been expressed by government leaders, parliamentary figures and prominent academics and journalists and actual results. The article uses three levels, global, regional and bilateral, as a basis for the analysis. In terms of global interests the Russian leadership has sought diplomatic balance against the US, in terms of regional interests the leadership has pursued the aim of economic and security integration while at the bilateral level Russian leadership has sought specific benefits from particular relations with China, Japan and South Korea. The article notes that Russia has obtained certain diplomatic benefits from the relationship with China which serve its interests at the global level. At the regional level policy aspirations have been frustrated by Russia's dire economic condition and the tendency to be treated as an ‘outsider’. Russia has benefited from an improvement of bilateral relations with China, Japan and South Korea but these gains do not translate into an improved position at the regional level yet. while the Russian leadership has been nurturing the development of bilateral relationships problems particular to those relationships hinder its wider regional acceptance.     

Pluralism and Multiculturalism

I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First, he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from Sandall’s own position.

Ideology as blocked mourning: Greek national identity in times of economic crisis and austerity

This article approaches the 2010–2014 economic crisis in Greece from the perspective of loss and mourning, critically exploring what questions and insights this provokes. We argue first that the rhetoric of mainstream political and media elites has been instrumental in framing responses to the Greek economic crisis in patriotic terms, a frame subsequently adopted by groups from across the entire political spectrum, whether part of the establishment or not. We then draw on discourse theory and psychoanalysis to argue that attachments to the dominant austerity and anti-austerity responses to the crisis can be understood—at least in part—in terms of a failure (or not) to properly articulate and thus mourn the nationalist-inflected loss associated with economic dislocation. We sketch out two ideological pathways in the discourses of austerity and anti-austerity, which we designate as symptomatic of ‘blocked mourning’: a melancholic pathway that seeks to contain loss through self-blame; and a pathway of ressentiment that seeks to contain loss by attributing its cause to a series of ‘others’. We argue that blocked mourning bears a direct relation to the ideological grip of the austerity and anti-austerity discourses, and that we can better appreciate the character and strength of their affective pull by drawing out the fantasmatic aspects of the narratives expressing Greek national and economic identity. Conversely, we argue that a critique of ideology can be understood in terms of the preconditions for mourning, whose satisfaction would make possible a less invested relation to the fantasmatic guarantees underpinning the austerity/anti-austerity narratives. In this view, a critique of ideology proceeds by bringing to light those factors that could facilitate a more open and deliberative articulation of loss, so as to transform and pluralize collective responses to the economic crisis.     

Constructions of Cultural Identity: Multiculturalism and Exclusion

The article identifies a core dilemma in the debate on multiculturalism: although the politics of recognition aims at including cultural groups within the political community, it may inevitably have exclusive effects of its own. This dilemma is illuminated by an investigation of the attempts by Charles Taylor, Bhikhu Parekh and Will Kymlicka to develop a theory of multiculturalism. Using a typology of multiculturalist approaches, the paper identifies the exclusive consequences of each theory. Rather than seek an alternative non-exclusive politics of recognition, it argues for an approach that distinguishes between situations of multiculturalism.     

The nature of regional and national identity in Catalonia: problems of measuring multiple identities

Abstract. National identity learning processes become quite problematic in multiple identity territories. In the case of Spain, bilinguism and conflictual identities in the periphery is often opposed to the unilinguism and majoritarian culture of the centre. The contents of actual Catalan identity and the political behaviour that it entails can perhaps be explained by the perception that today's Catalan and immigrant adolescents have of what it means to 'be a catalan'. The view of the political arena by the young depends mainly on the language approach.