A Prehistory of Australia's History Wars: The Evolution of Aboriginal History during the 1970s and 1980s

While an extensive debate has recently addressed more contemporary contributions to historical scholarship, the historiographical background to Australia's History Wars has rarely been appraised. This article proposes an interpretative narrative of the evolution of Aboriginal history during the 1970s and 1980s. While before the late 1960s a systematic historiography of Aboriginal‐white relations did not exist, these decades have witnessed the emergence and consolidation of Aboriginal history as an established academic discipline. The 1970s saw the “detection” of Aboriginal persistence and resistance and the historiographical tradition established during this decade insisted on the contested nature of the invasion process. Conversely, during the 1980s, an interpretative tradition stressing Indigenous agency, transformation and adaptation shifted the focus of historiographical attention.     

Frederic Eggleston on International Relations and Australia's Role in the World

Frederic Eggleston was a prominent public intellectual whose reflections on international relations constitute one of the most important records by an Australian liberal thinker during the first half of twentieth century. Eggleston wrote extensively, and hopefully, about the capacity of international organisations to discipline the behaviour of nation-states; but his hopes were tempered in his writing also about the descent to wars, including the early Cold War period in which his support for American foreign policy grew stronger. His liberal outlook was also informed by his sense of Australia's Britishness, Australia's location in the Pacific, and Australia's future relations with Asian countries.     

中国与大国关系影响因素探析——基于对1960-2009年数据的统计分析

为了研究中国与各大国外交关系的变化究竟受哪些因素的影响,本文分别对国际格局、权力转移、核武器、经济相互依赖以及双边关系间的相互影响等因素进行了分析。根据1960年至2009年的数据,本文建立了回归模型,并通过了检验。统计显示,1960-1989年期间的中国与大国关系受到两国GDP差距、双边贸易、核武器、意识形态这四个因素的影响。1990-2000年期间的中国与大国关系受到两国GDP差距和意识形态的影响,而不受双边贸易与核武器情况的影响。2001-2009年期间的中国与大国关系受到两国GDP差距和双边贸易的影响,而不受意识形态的影响。在未来几年,中国外交将面临更多的压力和挑战。     

Konfrontasi and Australia's Aid to Indonesia during the 1960s

This article examines Australia's aid program in Indonesia in the 1960s. With the transfer by the Dutch of West New Guinea to Indonesia in May 1963, the Australian government looked to expand aid to its northern neighbour beyond the Colombo Plan in an effort to cement friendly relations. The events associated with konfrontasi threatened this policy objective. Yet despite Indonesia's belligerent stance, Australia was able to continue its aid program (by supporting the Aeronautical Fixed Telecommunication Network) and to keep the lines of communication with Jakarta open. When konfrontasi ended in August 1966 after regime change in Indonesia, Australia was able to rapidly expand its aid program. This article argues that konfrontasi changed the ways in which Australia's aid program in Indonesia was construed, which in turn contributed to a re‐consideration of the role of aid in Australia's foreign policy more broadly.     

澳大利亚的南海政策解析

近两年来,澳大利亚对南海局势亦开始予以密切关注,成为影响南海问题发展的新的外部因素.无论从经济、安全还是政治层面来看,南海及其邻近地区对澳大利亚都有着重要的战略价值,因而南海问题对澳大利亚而言“非常重要”.澳大利亚的南海政策呈现出三个基本取向:与美国保持相近立场;防范中国“控制”南海;力倡南海地区的和平与稳定.澳大利亚介入南海事务加剧了南海问题的复杂化、长期化和国际化,并对地区安全格局的走势产生一定的影响.中国方面只要能够增进与澳大利亚、美国和南海有关声索国之间的互信,完全可以控制、减弱甚至消除澳大利亚介入南海问题对中国产生的负面影响.     

Vietnam’s and China’s Diverging Industrial Relations Systems: Cases of Path Dependency

ABSTRACT

This article explains why Vietnam and China, one-party states that allow only one official trade union, are traversing different paths in their trade unions’ institutional structures, the state’s and trade union’s attitudes towards strikes, their willingness to allow independent trade unions and willingness to engage with the international labour union movement. These will be examined in terms of the path dependency of their recent histories, in which changes have been incremental on a path laid down by pre-existing entrenched institutions, until each national system no longer operated properly and new contingencies obliged the leadership to revamp the system. As a consequence of China’s and Vietnam’s divergent path dependencies, when external contingencies finally forced institutional change, countries have veered onto divergent trajectories – the Trans-Pacific Partnership energising Vietnam to debate the acceptance of autonomous trade unions, while Xi Jinping in China has intensified Party control over industrial relations.     

Politics of alienation and polarization: Taiwan's Tangwai in the 1980s

Abstract

After a quarter-century power struggle on the Chinese mainland, in 1949 the Chinese Communists (CCP) defeated the Nationalists (the Kuomintang or KMT) and forced Chiang Kai-shek and his totally demoralized army and government to retreat to Taiwan, an island that had been returned to China in 1945 after fifty years of colonial rule by the Japanese. By 1949, the original residents of the island, the Taiwanese, most of whose ancestors had come from the mainland two or three centuries earlier, had already gone through the initial welcoming of the Nationalists and enthusiasm for going back to China in 1945, and the subsequent great shock, anger, and disappointment of the February 28, 1947 Uprising, and the suppression and massacre that followed it. The February 28 Uprising resulted from harsh and oppressive Nationalist policies that forced the generally passive Taiwanese people, particularly the intellectuals, to resort to a series of protest demonstrations, some of them violent. In response, the Nationalist army led by General Chen Yi carried out a bloody purge, a massacre of the Taiwanese sociopolitical elite. The Uprising has since been regarded by many Taiwanese as the most important historic event in contemporary Taiwanese history, a revolutionary fight against injustice and tyranny. The supporters of the Taiwan independence movement have looked upon it as the beginning, the source of inspiration and legitimacy for their movement. In 1949 the six million Taiwanese were no longer happy, and they were suspicious and resentful of the sudden influx of the one-million-strong Chinese mainlanders who had just been decimated and forced by the Communists to flee to Taiwan and were to rule over the Taiwanese as another colonial power.     

20世纪70年代中越关系剧变分析

在国际关系史上,恐怕鲜有如20世纪70年代中越关系的变化那样出人意料,中越两国在短短十年时间就从肝胆相照的兄弟变为彼此不共戴天的敌人,是什么因素促成了这一剧变的发生呢?本文认为20世纪70年代中越关系之所以会发生急剧变化,与如下四个方面的原因密不可分:(1)中越出于国家利益考虑,推行各自倾向性政策;(2)中越两国在与之密切联系的四对三角关系中的互动;(3)历史与现实的困惑;(4)精英认知的不同.     

China’s political system in the 1990s

Analysts differ greatly in their assessments of the long-term stability of the Chinese political system. This article argues that China’s probable future is one of continued political muddling through, but some developments—especially the political succession—could radically change this. The article also examines two questions that are not adequately addressed by the focus on political stability: the types of relationships that will develop between the rapidly growing coastal areas and the more slowly advancing interior; and the efficacy of the polity in dealing with looming environmental and demographic crises. To address these problems, this article assesses respectively the political system’s overall strengths, deficiencies, and challenges in the coming years.     

90年代以来俄巴关系的演变

由于受到各种制约因素的影响,俄巴关系历经曲折,发展缓慢,但由于巴基斯坦在南亚地区的特殊地理位置和影响,其在俄对外政策中历来都受到一定程度的重视,俄巴关系仍将获得长期稳定的发展。