Using civil society as an authoritarian legitimation strategy: Algeria and Mozambique in comparative perspective

Recent research on civil society in authoritarian regimes shows that civil society can contribute to legitimating authoritarian rule. This finding has not, however, been connected with the nascent literature on authoritarian regime legitimation. This article seeks to bridge this gap by synthesizing the relevant theoretical literature and presenting an in-depth comparative analysis of Algeria and Mozambique. We argue that in both cases the ruling authoritarian regime has used civil society as a legitimation tool. The article identifies five patterns according to which authoritarian regimes can use civil society for legitimation purposes.     

The ghosts of state terror: knowledge,politics and terrorism studies

Employing a discourse analytic approach, this paper examines the silence on state terrorism within the broader terrorism studies literature. An analysis of this literature reveals that state terrorism is noticeable mainly for its absence as a subject of systematic academic study. Following the textual analysis, the main finding – the silence on state terrorism within terrorism studies – is subjected to both a first- and second-order critique. A first-order or immanent critique uses a discourse's internal contradictions, mistakes and misconceptions to criticise it on its own terms. In this case, the absence of state terrorism is criticised for its illogical actor-based definition of terrorism, its politically biased research focus, and its failure to acknowledge the empirical evidence of the extent and nature of state terrorism. A second-order critique entails reflecting on the broader political and ethical consequences of the representations enabled by the discourse. It is argued that the absence of state terrorism from academic discourse functions to promote particular kinds of state hegemonic projects, construct a legitimising public discourse for foreign and domestic policy, and deflect attention from the terroristic practices of states. The exposure and destabilisation of this dominant narrative also opens up critical space for the articulation of alternative and potentially emancipatory forms of knowledge and practice.     

The three pillars of stability: legitimation,repression, and co-optation in autocratic regimes

Why do some autocracies remain stable while others collapse? This article presents a theoretical framework that seeks to explain the longevity of autocracies by referring to three pillars of stability: legitimation, repression, and co-optation. These three causal factors are derived by distilling and synthesizing the main arguments of classic and more recent research efforts. Particular emphasis is paid to re-incorporate legitimation in the explanation of stable autocracies. The article conceptionalizes the three pillars and discusses methods of concrete measurement. It then moves on to explain the stabilization process. How do these pillars develop their stabilizing effect? It is argued that reinforcement processes take place both within and between the pillars. They take the form of exogenous reinforcement, self-reinforcement, and reciprocal reinforcement. To illustrate the inner logic of these processes, I draw on empirical examples. I also state what we would need to observe empirically and how we can approach the three pillars methodically. A theoretical framework of this nature has two advantages: it is able to take the complexity of autocratic regimes into account while remaining parsimonious enough to be applicable to all autocratic regimes, irrespective of their subtype; and it integrates a static view to explain stability, with the emphasis on the underlying stabilization mechanisms and facilitates within-case and cross-case comparisons.     

The failure of the Philippine presidential system

This article explains why the Philippines continues to be a weak state and that the prospects for building a stronger, sustainable state are dim under the current political system. Philippine elections are won through a mix of popularity, populism and money politics. This seriously undermines the strength of the state since the oligarchy expects returns for their investment in a candidates campaign. The extraordinary power of the president and the ministers makes it possible to repay and buy the loyalty of the financial and political oligarchy by giving away jobs within the bureaucracy. A predatory political elite, whose prime goal it has been to win the coming elections and to assure that their family interests are protected and promoted further undermines the independence and meritocracy of the Philippine bureaucracy. I argue that as long as the current presidential system continues to exist in the Philippines the chances for building a strong state are slight.This article represents an abbreviated version of the introduction of the MA thesis of Bastiaan van de Loo titled: The Election and Presidency of Joseph Estrada: A Case Study of Philippine Politics. The complete version of the thesis can be found on http://www.thephilippines.org     

亚太妇女跨国迁移及其性产业与公共治理——菲律宾NGO的社会行动探析

20世纪90年代以来,亚太地区的人口迁移与性产业相互推动,促使越来越多的女性移民卷入性产业。如今,性产业的蔓延与繁荣已经成为亚太地区社会经济发展面临的一个严重问题,引起各国政府与相关非政府组织的极大关注。因此,治理性产业的法律与公共政策也成为亚太地区国家与公民社会讨论的重要内容。本文以菲律宾妇女海外性工作者与菲律宾NGO的社会行动为例,探讨发展中国家的妇女移民在跨国迁移中的角色、地位与社会、性别危机,以及公民社会参与性产业的社会治理行动与策略。     

对俄中关系60年历史经验的若干思索

俄罗斯与中国共同庆祝建交60周年.60年来,两国关系经历了一条曲折的道路,最初两国在相同的意识形态和本阵营团结的基础上建立了同盟关系,后来进入了相互敌视的阶段,最后形成了全新的战略协作伙伴关系.     

Perceptions of CSDP effectiveness in Ukraine: a host state perspective

This article makes a contribution to the little explored issue of evaluating the effectiveness of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Drawing on the interviews with local beneficiaries of two missions in Ukraine, one CSDP proper (European Union Advisory Mission) and the other a “hybrid” mission (EU Border Assistance Mission), the article analyses which factors shape the local beneficiaries’ perception of a mission being effective or non-effective. It shows the reputational approach deriving from the organisational theory can offer a fruitful theoretical framework for understanding CSDP perceived effectiveness on the ground. The article contributes to the studies of CSDP and its engagement with the host state as well as to the nascent academic and policy literature on CSDP and Ukraine.     

菲律宾现代化进程中摩洛人的处境与反抗(1946-1986)

菲律宾独立后的40年中,聚居于南部的穆斯林摩洛人在现代化和国家整合的双重挤压下,其社会经济的边缘化日益加剧。但摩洛问题的症结在于文化,正是异质文化相互间的误读,才使政府的南部政策遭致失败,摩洛人固守传统的反抗则愈演愈烈。文化自主权的丧失才是摩洛人困境的根本缘由。     

埃斯特拉达：菲律宾特色民主的产物与替罪羊

菲律宾被罢黜总统埃斯特拉达（以下称埃氏）是菲律宾历届当选总统中得票率最高的“民选”总统,曾被菲律宾人评价为继50年代马克赛赛总统之后最受群众欢迎的总统。然而,在执政后仅一年多便遭致来自各派势力的激烈反对,并成为亚洲第一位遭受弹劾的总统,最终在民变、政变、军变的压力下黯然交出了政权。埃氏作为民选总统,政治生涯在任期仅二年半期间发生了如此戏剧性的变化,其中缘由值得深思。本文试图从菲律宾特色民主为出发点,探索埃氏这位民选总统倒台的原因,并对菲律宾特色民主“EDSA第二次人民力量”的后遗问题进行一些初步的探讨。     

菲律宾:2009年回顾与2010年展望

2009年是菲律宾不寻常的一年。经济处于低迷,创下11年一遇的最低增长率;社会治安令人担忧,除了几次大自然灾害夺走1000多个生命外,还由于政治斗争的原因发生了57人惨遭杀害的绑架杀人等事件;外交上,继续采取大国平衡外交政策。由于南海问题,菲中关系蒙上了一层阴影。随着金融危机从萧条走向复苏,2010年的菲律宾经济有望好转。     

Security in the name of human rights: the discursive legitimation strategies of the war on terror in France

This article aims to question the discourse on “the war on terror” developed by the French President in the wake of the two terrorist attacks that occurred in France in 2015. Drawing from critical discourse analysis, it explores the discursive legitimation strategies deployed by President Hollande to legitimate France’s securitarian response to the two attacks. It reveals how the defence of human rights served as an overall justificatory framework, through rationalisation, appeals to authority, and moralisation. It argues that Hollande implemented a discursive manipulation of reality to shield his actions from criticisms of illiberalism, all the while reframing the notion of human rights, undermining it and paving the way for an authoritarian-driven executive.     

British power and stability: The historical record

What explains the persistence and proliferation of the resident ambassador? Why is the role apparently important both to the conduct of international affairs and to the work of governments? I do not try to propose a new theory of ambassadors, but I do offer conclusions about the nature of living in a globalized society of states where the economic logic of markets and the political logic of communities are at cross‐purposes. It is a world in which we depend on institutions to help us maintain order and stability. Ambassadors are one of those institutions. At one level they are the concrete day by day reproduction of the society of states. At another level they act on behalf of the members of their community, helping that community to maintain its strength and cohesion by doing what needs to be done, abroad. An increase in the intensity of interactions among states, therefore, seems to lead to an increase in diplomatic representation facilitated rather than impeded by the new technologies of transportation and communications. Ambassadors are still lying abroad, it seems, because changes in technology have brought ‘abroad’ much closer to home while the myriad effects of globalization have made much more of abroad relevant to people and their governments. Far from being in decline, the resident ambassador seems likely to continue flourishing.     

Homo machinus versus Homo sapiens: A knowledge management perspective of virtual communities in cyberspace

Abstract

Amidst debates on whether virtual communities can exist as a solution to technological developments, evidence suggests that knowledge creation and sharing are symptomatic of Home sapiens which may develop into idiosyncratic Homo machinus in cyberspace. According to Geyer (1996, 60), the communication revolution, backed up by accelerating technological development, has created a substructure for the emergence of virtual communities. Recent writings on virtual communities acknowledge Knowledge management as the most often used strategy to bring the human side into the equation. Enabled by online interactive communication technologies, this strategy allows virtual communities to create and share knowledge across the globe, thereby creating a global knowledge-based virtual reality in cyberspace. This article is essentially a theoretical discussion of virtual communities in cyberspace from a knowledge management perspective.     

New regionalism(s) in the global political economy. Conceptual understanding in historical perspective

  This paper places the contemporary study of regionalism in historical context. It argues that the study of regionalism has occurred in two waves. The first gathered pace as a sub-field of International Relations from the late 1950s and the second emerged in the context of the globalisation of the late 1980s and the 1990s. RID="*" ID="*" This paper, originally presented as a lecture to the Asia Europe Foundation University, 7^th Summer School, Barcelona: November 11, 2002, represents an abbreviated and revised version of Shaun Breslin and Richard Higgott (2000) Studying Regions: Learning from the Old Constructing the New, New Political Economy 5 (3): 333–352. Permission of the Editors of New Political Economy to publish in this form is gratefully acknowledged. The support of the Economic and Social Research Council in the writing of this paper is also gratefully acknowledged.     

改朝换代后的菲律宾经济：2011年回顾与展望

2011年是菲律宾阿基诺三世当选总统后完整执政的一年。在经历了2010年由选举推动的7．3％的高经济增长率后,菲律宾2011年的经济增长情况差强人意。本文从菲律宾实体经济、就业、通胀和贫困、货币金融政策与财政的视角考察了菲律宾2011年的经济增长与发展情况,介绍了菲律宾总统阿基诺三世上台之后采取的主要经济措施,并预测菲律宾2012年的经济发展前景及其制约因素。     

Assessing the historical turn in IR: an anatomy of second wave historical sociology

This article reassesses what is at stake in the historical turn in international relations (IR) and the attendant debate between the Second Wave of neo-Weberian historical sociology (WHS) and Political Marxism (PM). Firstly, it endeavours to recast what is at stake in the ‘historical turn’ in IR: the critique of reification and chronocentrism. Secondly, it examines WHS's argument against reductionism in the light of Weber's own work. We show how the Weberian dualism between the politics and the economics inhibits its capacity to complete its project of historicizing IR. Finally, it explains why recent Weberian's defence of multicausalism creates even more obstacles on the road towards an ontologically consistent historical turn.     

菲律宾：2006～2007年回顾与展望

虽然经历年初的社会动荡和天灾人祸的剧痛,但菲律宾2006年政治社会稳定,人民安居乐业;经济继2005年5.1%的增长之后,创出     

司盟理论视角下的菲美同盟构建

美国和菲律宾是传统的盟国,早在1951年两国就缔结了共同防御条约,关菲同盟成为冷战链条上的重要一环。冷战结束后,双方的同盟关系逐渐弱化。21世纪初的几年间,为了应对全球的恐怖主义的威胁,双方的同盟关系逐渐走上了快速发展的轨道。