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Toby Lowe 《政治学》1996,16(2):103-108
This article seeks to challenge the interpretation of communitarianism offered by Lacey and Frazer (Politics, Vol. 14 No.2). By developing a theory of community it is possible to overcome the problems which they highlight, and to demonstrate that communitarianism, properly understood, is a philosophy which can frame much useful debate in political theory.  相似文献   

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构建地方服务型政府在根本上与中国现代国家建设密切相关,需要在国家、政党和民众的关系结构中去定位自身。构建服务型政府的关键是寻求地方政府的权责统一,即是在有效规制地方政府权力的基础上,充分发挥其能效,以此实现民众的利益诉求,履行政府的责任。政府权力的规范并不简单地以构建有限政府为最终目标,对于政府权力规范的目的是为了更充分地开发政府的能效,并保证政府能效发挥最终的合理性;政府的责任则是现实中的具体责任,法律意义上的责任与抽象理念上的责任的协调,不同层面的责任及其相互关系决定了政府责任的最终定位。  相似文献   

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IAN THYNNE 《管理》1994,7(1):59-82
Privatization initiatives and the doctrines of "New Public Management" have led to incorporated companies assuming considerable significance within government in many countries. The implications of this development for the structure and operation of the modern state are potentially far-reaching, but are yet to be appropriately comprehended. In response, the article seeks to establish a framework for understanding the basic characteristics and use of companies from a comparative perspective. Attention is focused on their "publicness" and accountability as affected by their ownership, management, financing, and control, which can all involve a varying mix of the "public" and "private" sectors both domestically and internationally. An underlying belief is that a lot more research and analysis are required in this important area of organizational activity.  相似文献   

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In a previous article in this journal ( Bufacchi, 2001 ) I argued that political scepticism is a defining characteristic of liberal democracy. I have been criticised for inadequately distinguishing political scepticism from fallibilism (Festenstein, 2001) and for failing to appreciate the role of moral autonomy within liberal democracy (Hyland, this issue). In this article I respond to my critics, first by clarifying the difference between political scepticism and fallibilism, and secondly by suggesting that political scepticism is a necessary condition for moral autonomy.  相似文献   

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Public management requires a diffuse set of activities that extend far beyond the simple activities once encompassed in the study of public administration. The study of public management is hampered by the lack of theory to guide research on the roles and contributions of public managers. By viewing the government executive as a player in a game—more accurately, as a player in many games occurring simultaneously and at different levels, each with its own rules of play—we can begin to gain an integral view of the reality in which they operate.  相似文献   

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The most persuasive argument in favor of city–county consolidation has been—and remains—economic development through the formation of a strong and attractive regional community identity. Empirical evidence consistently demonstrates that appeals to voters based on reducing inner-city/suburban socioeconomic inequity and enhancing administrative efficiency are a recipe for failed consolidation campaigns.  相似文献   

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Sobel  Russell S. 《Public Choice》2002,113(3-4):287-299
This reply addresses the issues raised byDougherty in response to my 1999 article in this journal. Ialso develop a new graphical model of the optimal collectionrate under the Articles, where states made contributions, andcontrast it to the revenue potential from direct taxation. Ibelieve that despite Dougherty's criticisms, my argumentremains valid. While the Articles were not perfect in anabsolute sense, that when more properly viewed in acomparative manner, that the system of state contributions forraising revenue under the Articles was (and still is) superiorto a system of direct federal taxation.  相似文献   

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公共精神:我国政府人力资源开发的根本价值取向   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公共精神实质上是一种关心公共利益的精神,针对理论上的需求与现实的不足,将公共精神作为我国政府人力资源开发的根本价值取向成为一种必然的选择,通过公务员“一心为民”和“公正公平”等意识的培养,以及法的力量、社会团体与公民的力量、社会舆论的力量的制约,即由内生机制与外生机制的相互作用,必将使公共精神作为指引政府人力资源开发的根本价值取向。  相似文献   

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A recent article in West European Politics by Eric Miklin attempted to shed light on the decision-making process in the European Union. The argument presented was that individual ministerial ideological preferences can affect a government's bargaining position in the Council of the European Union. Miklin proposes that under certain conditions national ministers may enjoy substantial freedom. This brief reply identifies three main problems with Miklin's approach: a case selection bias, ministerial autonomy, and an examination of where decisions are made.  相似文献   

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