俄罗斯的对外政策与中国

俄罗斯对外政策的制定与中俄关系的发展是中俄两国政界、学界都非常关注的问题。目前,普京政府奉行一种积极、独立、全方位、实用的对外政策。作为一种新型的,摆脱了意识形态束缚的战略协作关系,《中俄睦邻友好合作条约》将两国世代友好,永不为敌的思想,以法律形式固定下来。目前的中俄关系处于300年来最好的历史时期。     

俄罗斯的影子经济与腐败

影子经济在苏联时期形成规模 ,并发挥一定的经济和社会功能。在俄罗斯向市场经济转轨时期 ,影子经济进一步蔓延 ,超出经济的框架 ,其机制和规范渗透到社会所有领域。腐败现象贯穿于影子经济形成和扩散的全过程。如何解决这一问题关系着俄罗斯未来的发展方向。     

Russia's Policy Towards OPEC

Russia and OPEC are major oil producers. Considering the growing energy demand for the global economy, both parties are consistently increasing their exports of hydrocarbons and developing new supply capacities. Meanwhile, both parties have a mutual interest in creating a stable market by cooperating. However, the likelihood of Russian cooperation with OPEC is largely a function of oil prices and the political relations between Russia and OPEC countries. The following article deals with the relations between Russia and OPEC since the collapse of the USSR to the economic crisis in 2008. The author examines the political, cultural and economic conflicts between the two parties and their different attitudes toward the oil market in order to assess their chance to fully cooperate in the long term.     

Privatization in Russia's Regions

An American specialist on Russian and post-Soviet politics examines regional variations in the privatization of both large and small industrial enterprises in Russia during 1992-1994. Using regional statistical data, both published and unpublished, interviews with actors and documentary materials from the Russian press, the author finds substantial differences among regions in the pace and strategy of privatization. He concludes that the weakness of the central government led it to make compromises that enabled local elites to retain effective control over enterprises in their regions. Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: P31, L16, L20.     

Russia's Forced-Choice Presidential Election

Have there been changes in political institutions, parties, leaders, and regional political orientations in Ukraine after the "Orange Revolution"? If so, are the changes revolutionary or evolutionary? Most previous studies refer to the 2004 presidential elections and mass protest actions as a revolution. To test this claim, this article analyzes political changes in Ukraine. Survey data are used to compare changes in pro-Russian and pro-Western orientation, support for major parties in the 2002, 2006, and 2007 parliamentary elections, and support for leading presidential candidates since the 2004 presidential elections. The implications of these changes for development of democracy in Ukraine are also considered.     

俄罗斯政治思想的新变化——2009年俄罗斯政治形势分析

2009年俄罗斯的政局保持稳定,但政治体系现代化的改革成效不大。金融危机成为影响俄罗斯政治形势的刺激性因素。梅德韦杰夫和普京在政治思想上的差异开始显现。这种差异主要体现在政治哲学观与历史观的不同上。思想观念的不同可能导致政治路线之争。由于普京依然居于权力中心,俄罗斯政局的发展不会完全按照梅德韦杰夫的路线发展。     

Russia's Energy Future and Northeast Asia1

Since about 2000, Russia became increasingly interested in a swift expansion of its oil and gas industry to the eastern regions, aiming primarily at the domestic development needs and new markets of Northeast Asia. Eastern Siberia and the Far Eastern areas contain up to 50 percent of Russia's estimated oil reserves. In this context, the Eastern Siberia–Pacific Ocean oil pipeline is attracting attention as a mega-project important not only for Russia, but also for its neighbors. This pipeline will facilitate the development of new oil fields in the remote eastern areas. There are also plans to build oil refineries connected to the pipeline, including the one planned on the Pacific coast. Indeed, Russia needs an access to the neighboring markets not only in the field of oil, but also natural gas and electricity. In this regard, long-term shared interests should drive new energy projects, and governments could greatly facilitate business interaction. Moreover, specific measures dealing with the long-term energy policies are required at the national, bilateral and regional levels, including practical and project specific initiatives tailored to the needs of the economies of Northeast Asia, considering their large markets, geography, technological potential and an interest in building institutions.     

Russia's Twentieth Century in History and Historiography

Discussions of Russian history have frequently been marked by a preoccupation with the question of Russian 'backwardness', or, during the Soviet period from 1917 to 1991, with its obverse: the claim of the Soviet Union to play a vanguard role in world history. This paper offers a critical survey of twentieth-century Russian and Soviet history, and of its often highly politicised historiography, in the light of these debates. The extent to which the Soviet 'building of socialism' represented a project of modernisation will be considered, along with differing interpretations of this project by both Western and post-Soviet Russian historians. While the work of the new generation of post-Soviet historians promises substantive advances in our knowledge of the Soviet past, it is suggested here that debates on Russia's past are once again being overshadowed by old concerns about Russia's backwardness vis-à-vis the West.     

俄罗斯的欧洲情结和西进战略

俄罗斯对欧洲一直持有特殊的情结。每一个历史变动时期,俄罗斯总会以欧洲为参照系和维度来思考俄罗斯的战略和命运。冷战后,俄罗斯面对的欧洲地缘政治环境又使它遭遇了欧洲难题。为此,梅德韦杰夫总统和普京总理先后提出了泛欧洲安全条约和欧洲经济新体系,初步形成俄罗斯对欧新战略的总体构想。但现实是,俄罗斯以自己的方式回归欧洲的进程依然面临巨大的困难。     

Russia's New Business Groups and State Power

An American political scientist investigates the redistribution of property in Russia after the 1998 financial crash. Making extensive use of Russian and Western documentary sources, as well as three research trips that included formal and informal discussions with politicians, scholars, and journalists, the article examines both the rise of new major players in the Russian political economy and the transformation of old ones. The study includes both industrial and agricultural economic groups, as well as the ambiguous role of the state in both sectors.     

俄罗斯军事安全战略与军队建设

俄罗斯军事发展历史上充满悲壮色彩的制度改革给国家的安全和未来前途带来了许多问题和争议。今天的俄罗斯军事安全思想已经彻底摆脱了军事帝国的发展模式,在新制度的基础上实现了重构。在现实主义的国际环境中,俄罗斯军事安全战略经历了现实锤炼,经过普京总统的努力推进,逐步走向成熟。但悖论和困境依然掣肘着俄军未来的发展。     

Conflict-Management in Russia's Federal Institutions

A political scientist examines factors leading to instability in the Russian legislative and executive branches. The article focuses on the design of Russia's “unlinked dual-channel” institutions-particularly, partisan factions and legislative committees in the Duma, and the presidential administration and government apparatus in the executive branch. Media sources and the author's personal interviews with Duma, Kremlin, and ministry officials are analyzed.