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1.
The pressure for efficiency and accountability that led to reform of public institutions worldwide has had implications for public policy-making as well as the management of public services. The difficulties of providing a coordinated and efficient policy process that can respond to the requirements of a more managerialist style of government were evident in New Zealand in the 1980s and early 1990s. The policy process in 1990–91 leading to the introduction of health reform proposals provides an illuminating case study of the tension between participation and speed, and between traditional pluralist and managerialist approaches to policy development. The implications of this for subsequent implementation are discussed. 相似文献
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FRANK FISCHER 《管理》1991,4(3):332-353
This article examines policy expertise and the role of think tanks in the context of shifting political alignments in American government. The article first considers the radical and neoconservative critiques of the liberal use of an elite group — or "new class"— of policy experts to formulate and legitimate political reform agendas, a strategy said to represent a technocratic threat to the future of representative government. The discussion then focuses in particular on the neoconservative critique and its promotion of a counter strategy designed to politicize policy expertise through the development of a conservative "counterintelligensia" and the funding of partisan think tanks. The political outcome is seen to be a significant variation in the relationships linking expertise, think tanks, and the setting of national policy agendas. Elite think tanks, conceptualized as policy "discourse coalitions," are analyzed as institutional mechanisms for coordinating the advice of leading policy experts with the interests of economic and political elites. Although the experts' role in these policy-planning organizations falls short of the threat envisioned by the technocratic critique, the political implications of the emergent elite relationship between expertise and policy formation is nonetheless seen to pose troubling questions for both the theory and parctice of representative governance. 相似文献
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Niamh Hardiman 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2017,19(2):100-118
AbstractPolicy choices in response to crisis may carry consequences both for distributive outcomes and for the future policy capacity of the state itself. This paper uses conceptual heuristics to interpret policy practice. It examines the underlying policy paradigms shaping Irish government decisions in the aftermath of the European financial and economic crisis. Drawing on comparative political economy literature, it distinguishes between two such paradigms – market-conforming and social equity – and applies them to three reform themes: reconfiguration of public budgets, the public service pay bargain, and the organizational profile of state competences. The findings entail lessons for understanding the malleability of policy choice, and how state policy choices in response to crisis are framed and implemented. 相似文献
5.
Edward Alan Miller 《政策研究评论》2011,28(1):5-23
The Boren Amendment is frequently cited as an example where judicial involvement markedly shaped the implementation of federal legislation. Unlike other controversial health policies, Boren was eventually rescinded by Congress. Results indicate that the Amendment was repealed because changing socioeconomic, political, and programmatic conditions combined with policy‐oriented learning to facilitate a shift in policy venue away from the judiciary toward the President and Congress. This is because during the devolutionary climate of the mid‐to‐late 1990s, both the executive and legislature proved more conducive to the policy image promulgated by state officials that the Amendment unnecessarily restricted state discretion, than the policy image promulgated by providers that without the Amendment, low reimbursement levels would compromise access and quality. Data for this analysis derive from archival documents, secondary sources, and 101 interviews with state and federal experts. 相似文献
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This article attempts to make a contribution to the literature which reflects a growing interest in the conditions underlying radical policy reform. It advances a concept of autonomous policy leaders who can be distinguished from vote-buying politicians by their passionate commitment to "make a difference" by advancing a particular policy quest, with particular reference being made to the way such leadership was exercised by Roger Douglas, New Zealand Minister of Finance from 1984 to 1989. Although such leaders resemble the "policy entrepreneurs" described in "garbage can" models, their goals are more ambitious and the window of opportunity they are waiting for (with its characteristic mix of crisis, mandate, honeymoon and weakened opposition) much greater. They are also dependent on, and emerge from with, an advocacy coalition network which provides them with the backing and resources to redirect public policy. This redirection may produce a backlash from groups concerned that these policy elites may steer the policy process too far in a particular direction. 相似文献
7.
MARIAN D
HLER 《管理》1995,8(3):380-404
The focus of this article is on the state as an actor that can create, rearrange or even destroy established structures of interest representation. Through small, often almost overlooked, and sometimes even failed interventions, governmental policies create a legacy that can serve as a springboard for further political action. This policy dynamic is triggered by “architectural” activities of the state, aiming at the structure of the interest group system. This kind of policy bears the potential not only to manipulate the structure, but also the preferences and strategies of interest groups so as to overcome their veto-power. The case of German health care reform policies since the late 1970s is used to illustrate how suck a kind of governmental “design” has exerted a decisive impact on the structure of the policy field, culminating in an unexpected legislative success for the federal government.1 相似文献
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龚劲 《四川行政学院学报》2010,(6):75-78
公共政策议程研究是西方政策研究领域中一个新兴的研究热点。20世纪70年代以来,西方学者基于西方政治体系中的政策实践总结归纳出了政策议程的很多准入条件和模型。而中国学者在议程问题的研究上还处于萌芽阶段,基于本国实践的同类研究不仅数量稀少,而且解释的力度和系统性都欠缺。约翰·金顿(John·Kingdon)的多源流分析框架为基础对我国医疗卫生体制改革的政策议程有现实的指导意义。 相似文献
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Gideon Doron 《政策研究评论》1992,11(3-4):303-309
This overview surveys the conceptual and practical development of the policy sciences as an independent field of academic studies. It outlines the conditions that led to the emergence of this field and its expansion over the years. In addition, the article portrays the range of substantive topics and methodologies of the policy sciences. Finally, it presents the logic that guided the structure of this symposium. 相似文献
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Political Behavior - To investigate economic elites’ housing policy preferences and test the attitudinal, contextual, political, and economic conditions that drive support for affordable... 相似文献
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Transforming the Administrative State: Reform in Hong Kong and the Future of the Developmental State
Martin Painter 《Public administration review》2005,65(3):335-346
Hong Kong has been depicted as an administrative state where the civil service is insulated from political and societal forces and enjoys a stable pattern of growth in rewards and status. In these respects, it is similar to other Asian developmental states. In Asia, as in the West, traditions underlying the administrative state are being challenged. The Hong Kong civil service has recently come under serious criticism as a result of a major fiscal crisis and a series of administrative failures, while the unelected status of the chief executive is a focus of growing protest. What is the reform capacity of the Hong Kong bureaucracy in these circumstances? What is the likely trajectory of administrative reform, and can we expect Western models of the neo‐administrative state to be relevant and appropriate to Hong Kong and, by extension, to the rest of Asia? 相似文献
13.
Bioterrorism, Fear, and Public Health Reform: Matching a Policy Solution to the Wrong Window 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
George Avery 《Public administration review》2004,64(3):275-288
During the 1990s, terrorist actions using biological weapons and the fear that rogue states possessed such weapons placed bioterrorism on the political agenda, a policy window widened by the September 11 attacks. Advocates for improving the U.S. public health infrastructure attempted to use this window to obtain the resources necessary for modernization. This article examines those efforts and identifies significant problems arising from a mismatch between the goals of public health policy entrepreneurs and the policy window used to address them. By defining bioterrorism as a security rather than a public health issue, policy entrepreneurs squander the opportunity to institute broad-based reforms that would improve not only the ability to manage a terrorist incident, but also meet other public health needs. The bioterrorism program proves a useful case study in how the goals of policy entrepreneurs can be displaced by attaching policy preferences to the wrong policy stream. 相似文献
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B. Guy Peters 《The Political quarterly》2003,74(4):421-428
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Shaun Goldfinch 《管理》1998,11(2):177-207
During the mid-1980s and early 1990s the New Zealand economy moved from being one of the most regulated outside the former communist bloc to among the most liberal in the OECD. Largely unheralded and begun by an ostensibly social democratic Labour government, changes included the floating of the exchange rate; extensive liberalization of financial, capital and other markets; lowering of trade protection; fiscal restraint and monetary disinflation; changes to the machinery of government; corporatization and then sale of state assets; and changes to industrial relations frameworks (Castles, Gerritsen and Vowles 1996). Known as Rogernomics after Minister of Finance Roger Douglas, these economic policies were heavily derivative of neoclassical economic theories, such as the New Classical and Chicago schools, public choice and new institutional economics (Boston et al. 1996, ch. 2; Goldfinch 1997). This article explains how such radical economic restructuring occurred through the influence of a select group of strategically located institutional elites. 相似文献
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Paul E. Teske 《政策研究评论》1992,11(1):118-125
The role of the states in provision of telecommunications services combines aspects of regulation, economic development policy, tax policy, and government procurement. A variety of policy experiments, contrasts sharply with a dearth of state action in telecommunications prior to 1982. The growing realization that the implications of decisions about telecommunications are no longer narrowly confined to regulation has spurred the active involvement of governors and legislators in many states. 相似文献
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MICHAEL LAVER KENNETH BENOIT & NICOLAS SAUGER 《European Journal of Political Research》2006,45(4):667-697
Abstract. The French two-round system of presidential elections forces candidates to choose strategies designed to maximize their votes in two different, potentially conflicting strategic contexts: a first round contest between many candidates, and a second round between (typically) a left- and a right-oriented candidate. Following a constitutional change in 2000, furthermore, presidential elections are synchronized with legislative elections, more tightly linking presidential candidates to the policy platforms of the parties they represent. This article examines the consequences of policy positioning by presidential candidates, measuring, comparing and assessing positioning in the legislative elections and in the first and second presidential election rounds. The measures come from an expert survey taken in 2002, from content analysis of party manifestos and presidential speeches, and from the 2002 French National Election Survey. The findings provide hard empirical confirmation of two commonly perceived propositions: first, that Jospin's first-round loss resulted from strategic error in moving too close to the policy centre, and second, that Chirac's won an overwhelming second-round victory because he collected all of the voters from candidates eliminated in the first round. 相似文献
18.
Cécile Laborde 《Political studies》2000,48(3):540-557
The importance of the concept of state in British political thought has recently been re-assessed, and Dyson's contrast between a continental 'state tradition' and an Anglo-American 'stateless tradition' has been put into question. Yet this paper argues that there remain crucial differences in the way in which French and British political thinkers have understood the concept of state. Focusing on a critical moment in the crystallization of the meaning of 'state', the turn of the twentieth century, and in particular on the anti-statist pluralist school, it analyses how state critics were influenced by national intellectual traditions. French thought has been permeated by the idea of the autonomy of the state vis-à-vis society at large, while British thought has remained committed to an ideal of fluidity between state and society. 相似文献
19.
精英下乡:现代国家整合农村社会的路径回归——以大学生村官为例 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
从现代国家整合农村社会的理想路径出发,本文以大学生村官为具体案例,通过对河南省鹤壁市农村100名大学生村官、100名村民和20名村干部的问卷调查和个案访谈,提出精英下乡概念,在重新检视现代国家整合农村社会路径选择的基础上,认为精英下乡是对现代国家整合农村社会的理想路径的现实实践,是对现代国家整合农村社会既有路径的转变。它存在发生的历史条件和发展的历史逻辑,同时也是当前中国农村社会现代化路径选择的必然结果。 相似文献
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法语阅读能力是法语专业教学的重要内容之一,学生的法语阅读水平是检验法语专业教学质量的重要方面,因此法语阅读课程的设置和组织尤为重要。借助法语阅读课程的平台,教师应充当组织者与管理者,突破传统阅读教学的限制,引导学生规划、组织阅读活动,构建自主阅读模式。借助自主阅读模式,充分了解阅读过程的本质,激发学生的阅读积极性,培养学生的阅读策略,提高学生自主阅读能力。 相似文献