Africans and Trade Unions in Northern Rhodesia

This article represents an address at a combined meeting withthe Royal Empire Society on the 31st July, with Colonel Ponsonbyin the Chair. Ex-pugilist, secretary of the Rhodesian RailwayWorkers' Union, and engine-driver, Mr. Welensky was loaned tothe Government of Northern Rhodesia as Director of Manpowerfor the last six years.     

Correction

Readers may have noted a number of misprints in the last number,caused for the most part by special circumstances at the timeof proof-reading. From the January number (p. 21, L 31), theNorthern Rhodesia and Nyasaland Joint Publications Bureau pointout that the 100 titles quoted are not all new, and that theyare producing an average of 12 new books a year, mostly of generalinterest for Africans. On the next page, 1. 22, MacMunn shouldread MacMinn. On p. 90, the figures at American Universitiesarenew arrivals only. On p. 108, R. A. Hudson was Secretaryfor Native Affairs in Northern Rhodesia, not Chief Secretary.On p. 113, the American offer to the Union was for $2m. of driedeggs and millr, the figure quoted being the cost of distribution.On p. 117, Lennox Kew Suwisa should read Lennox Ken Sivrisa.On p. 122, the figure quoted for Egyptian tobacco is the totalrevenue from indirect and direct taxes in 1949. No tobacco isgrown commercially. F. Crawford, in the introduction to theNorthern Rhodesian development tables, should have been describedas Director of Development. In the reviews, the initials ofMr. Puplampu are D. A., not A. D. (as will be seen from hisarticle in this number). On p. 172, the author of the AfricanAngelus was the Rev. Merfyn Temple, and the cost of the bookshould be changed to 3/6 (3/10 post free).      

Reading the Trump Administration’s China Policy

The policy toward China under the Trump Administration is a rare combination of the toughest part of that of the Democratic Party, which is trade, and of the Republican Party, which is national security. The National Security Strategy by the Trump Administration defined China and Russia as competitors. It is the first time for the US Government to be harsh against both China and Russia (the Soviet Union included) since the late 1960s. Though trade is by far the most salient aspect of President Trump’s confrontational China policy, it is in fact a whole-of-the-government approach or pushback that the US government is taking with China, which means that not just the White House but various Departments and the Congress are tough with China, dealing with many issues from trade to human rights to national security. The President might actually be the softest link, almost exclusively focusing on trade. This might be a historic turnaround in US policy toward China.     

Conservatives Divided: Defending Rhodesia Against Malcolm Fraser 1976-1978

Understanding the conflict between pro- and anti-Rhodesian government parliamentarians is the only way to understand how and why Australia struggled to formulate a coherent Rhodesia policy. It reveals the extent to which Malcolm Fraser had to struggle against his own party in this matter and adds needed nuance to this period. Fraser's opinion that Rhodesia was a racist and immoral project caused a schism in the Coalition parties. Despite Fraser's open antipathy towards Rhodesia, Rhodesia's interests in Australia were largely safeguarded. This reflects the reality that the Liberal and National Country Parties contained sizeable blocs of parliamentarians who openly and publicly saw Rhodesia as a fraternal country, not a dangerous pariah. They did not hold these beliefs passively and actively sought to resist any moves made by Fraser to damage Rhodesia and its interests. By following the development of Fraser's Rhodesia policy in the late 1970s the power of Rhodesia's allies in the Australian parliament becomes clear. Opposing Rhodesia was touted by Fraser as one of the greatest achievements of his government, yet the issue was divisive and caused bitter infighting.     

中美关系的变化和朝鲜半岛的和平

中美关系将会全面寻求合作与竞争,但是基于中国的崛起和＂美国霸权＂的衰落,＂合作中冲突＂的局面可能会逐渐形成。通过加强联合与强调多边合作,中美两国在东北亚地区采取的下注战略都向着防止任何一方统治该区域的情况发生转型。除了中美关系的冲突或合作趋势之外,朝鲜半岛也存在卷入＂他者化＂或＂国际化＂的可能性。本文建议无论是韩美联盟还是中韩合作都应遵循独立适用原则,且我们应当探索战略性的普遍原则。     

African Music

The writer, of St. Mark's College, Mapanza, Northern Rhodesia,is the author of an essay on African music published by theRhodes-Livingstone Institute at Livingstone. He is a keen supporterof the African Music Society recently founded at Johannesburgby Mr. Hugh Tracey. Although he deals specifically with musicin Northern Rhodesia, he suggests there is evidence to showthat his statements apply in principle also to South and toWest Africa.     

A Balancing Pretence: The Johnson Administration’s Policy towards Jordan, 1964–1967

King Hussein of Jordan was often at odds with his less conciliatory counterparts in the Arab world. He was one of the few Arab leaders who engaged and communicated with Israel. The administration of US President Lyndon B. Johnson wanted to ensure the continuation of Hussein’s moderate line towards Israel and sold weapons to Jordan. However, providing military support to an Arab state when the vast majority of Americans favoured Israel involved significant political costs. As the Johnson administration saw it, openly favouring only Israel would negatively affect the USA’s position and interests in the Arab world. Therefore, Johnson pursued a policy of seemingly balancing Israeli and Jordanian interests. This article argues that the USA supported Jordan primarily to ensure Israel’s security, but ultimately, the Johnson administration lacked the will and understanding to properly address Jordan’s concerns and failed to prevent King Hussein from joining the Arab side of the 1967 War against Israel.     

Soldiering on: The Reagan Administration and Redemocratisation in Chile, 1983–1986

This article examines the circumstances in which the Reagan administration began to rethink its support of the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile and shift toward advocating a return to democratic civilian rule. It argues this shift was closely related to calculations that US interests might best be served by severing ties with the incumbent regime, but only so long as two vital interrelated issues were resolved to Washington's satisfaction: the nature of the movement likely to inherit political power, and the survival of key institutions of the autocratic Chilean state. To the extent that the incoming government did not portend a challenge to existing constitutional and economic arrangements, and to the extent that the ‘old’ military – the perceived ultimate guarantor against any kind of radical transformation – was in a position to survive the transition with its power and prerogatives intact, a ‘regime change’ could be supported, and even actively promoted. These twin concerns shaped and influenced a US commitment to democracy in Chile that was more contingent than principled, reflected in the constraints US policymakers imposed upon themselves in regard to the types of pressures they were prepared to apply to achieve their preferred outcome.     

"9·30事件"与约翰逊政府的印尼政策

1965年“9·30事件”前后,约翰逊政府通过培植与以陆军为首的印尼军人集团以及军人政权的特殊关系力图影响乃至操纵印尼的国内政治和对外政策走向,从而深刻地介入印尼的内部事务。对印尼陆军的政策构成了美国印尼政策的一个重要组成部分。     

“Men who smell of fear”: The Menzies Government and Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence

This article uses international archival sources to examine Australian policy on the problem of Rhodesian independence during the 1960s. It demonstrates that until November 1965 the Australian government led by Sir Robert Menzies followed a finely balanced policy that was broadly supportive of Britain but also sympathetic to the Rhodesian Front. However, the Australian response to Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) revealed increasing bureaucratic conflict in Australian policy‐making and exposed the limits of Australian support for Britain in dealing with the international consequences of the UDI. Analysis of Australia's decision to not attend the Lagos Conference in January 1966 demonstrates the Menzies government's anxiety about the implications of racial issues for Australian domestic and foreign policies. This suggests that historians should pay more attention to the significance of Africa in Australian foreign relations during the Menzies era.     

The First Year of Federation

This is the text of an address given by Sir Gilbert Rennie beforethe Royal African Society and the Royal Empire Society on October7, with Sir Miles Thomas, D.F.C., in the chair. Sir Gilbertis High Commissioner for the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasalandin London. He was Governor of Northern Rhodesia from 1947 tothe time of his appointment as Federal High Commissioner onApril 1, 1954. Sir Gilbert was Chief Secretary in Kenya from1939 to 1947. He held the post of Financial Secretary for theGold Coast before that. He served in the Ceylon Civil Servicesfrom 1920 to 1937, when he took up his appointment on the GoldCoast.     

The Great Experiment Begins

This impression of the opening stage of life at the UniversityCollege of Rhodesia and Nyasaland is by a graduate of a SouthAfrican university who spent some time in Salisbury in closecontact with students of all races.     

The Burial of Chitimukulu Mubanga

This account of the burial of the 9th Paramount of the Bembawas written by a government clerk at Kasama in N. Rhodesia.It is extracted, by permission, from the Government newspaperMutende.     

The Problem of African Advancement on the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia

The following is an address which was given by Mr. R. L. Prainat a joint meeting of the Royal African Society with the RoyalEmpire Society. He is Chairman of the Rhodesian Selection Trust,which controls the mines at Luanshya and Mufulira.     

A Fair Return to Farmers

This address by the tobacco representative for S. Rhodesia wasgiven, under the Chairmanship of Mr. A. D. Dodds-Parker, M.P.,on the 27th July.     

Australia’s 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper: Deconstruction and Critique

The 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper identifies major themes and recommends preferred strategies in Australia’s engagement with the world. These themes and strategies relate to geopolitics, economics and the ‘new international agenda’; there is also a more specific focus on Australia’s Pacific island neighbours and Timor-Leste. There is a strong emphasis on perceived Australian national interests throughout the document. The geopolitical discussion is primarily ‘realist’; economically the document is pro-globalisation; the discussion of the ‘new international agenda’ involves an Australian-oriented pragmatism; there is an assertion of Australian leadership in the South Pacific. With some minor criticism, Labor has accepted the general direction advocated in the White Paper. The document is thus indicative of the likely future direction of Australian foreign policy. Lack of US response indicates declining US engagement with Australia and the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region. China, as the other major power highly significant for Australia, has been low-key in its criticisms.     

Negotiating the caliphate: British responses to pan-Islamic appeals, 1914–1924

This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli War – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the US–Israeli ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States, this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the pre-war crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region.     

Northern Rhodesia and Federation

A Joint Metting was held on Thursday, May 29th, 1952, when theCommissioner for Northern Rhodesia spoke in his private capacity.The Chair was taken by Mr. R. S. Hudson, Head of the AfricanStudies Branch in the Colonial Office.     

Native Trades in Southern Rhodesia

This list gives an interesting insight into the present stateof the Reserves in Southern Rhodesia. It was extracted fromthe Report of the Commissioner for Native Affairs in 1949, andno doubt all the Trades now show considerable increases.     

From dictatorship to democracy: the US and regime change in Paraguay, 1954–1994

Abstract— This paper seeks to analyse the external sources of democratisation in Paraguay, specifically how the US contributed to regime change in that country. In the small and vulnerable countries of Latin America, like in Central America, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Paraguay, where the US played a portentous role in the rise, consolidation and demise of authoritarian regimes during the Cold War, Washington has also rendered a vital, but often neglected role, in protecting and enhancing democratic rule. This paper also provides an analysis of the different forms of leverage exercised by the US before and during Paraguay's transition.