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2.
This article explores efforts to bridge multi-disciplinary research and policy engagement to tackle child poverty in the contexts of developing countries, based on the experiences of Young Lives, an international longitudinal policy-research project. It focuses on a case study involving the application of research evidence on child poverty to shape policy debates concerning Ethiopia's second-generation Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (2006–2010). The discussion is situated within theoretical literature on the interface between knowledge, policy, and practice, which supports the conceptualisation of policy making as a non-linear dynamic process. It pays particular attention to the importance of understanding the political and policy contexts of Southern countries, rather than assuming that they should simply import Northern-derived models of advocacy. It concludes by identifying general lessons for translating research into social-policy change. 相似文献
3.
The concept of sustainability has evolved and expanded to include more than just environmental issues. Development practitioners now address questions linking sustainability to population and, in particular, to poverty alleviation. Environmentally sustainable development cannot be achieved, let alone maintained, unless poverty is reduced. Thus, the connection between sustainability and poverty reduction must be properly understood if economic assistance for the poor is to be successful. These questions can be confusing and difficult to address satisfactorily in practice. How can poverty reduction programmes and projects be designed for sustainability? How can the elements of sustainable poverty reduction be built into all stages of the project cycle? These issues are examined and a set of guidelines and minimum standards proposed. Relevant examples are cited to illustrate how the inclusion of poverty alleviation concerns into the project cycle can be achieved. 相似文献
4.
Why do governments choose multilateralism? We examine a principal-agent model in which states trade some control over the policy for greater burden sharing. The theory generates observable hypotheses regarding the reasons for and the patterns of support and opposition to multilateralism. To focus our study, we analyze support for bilateral and multilateral foreign aid giving in the US. Using new survey data, we provide evidence about the correlates of public and elite support for multilateral engagement. We find weak support for multilateralism and deep partisan divisions. Reflecting elite discourse, public opinion divides over two competing rationales—burden sharing and control—when faced with the choice between multilateral and bilateral aid channels. As domestic groups’ preferences over aid policy diverge from those of the multilateral institution, maintaining control over aid policy becomes more salient and support for multilateralism falls. 相似文献
5.
Taking the case of Burkina Faso, the paper analyses effects of local purchase on marginal producers. It argues that because of imports of food together with ‘distress sales’ on the part of the producers, perfect market conditions do not exist. Therefore market price does not equal the optimal price. In the absence of an optimal price, price interventions are justifiable and this makes payment to local farmers of a ‘fairer’ price both possible and desirable. The additional income thus generated will not only give the producers greater access to food, but also the ability to invest in order to increase production. Comment renforcer l'efficacité pour le développement de l'achat local de l'aide alimentaire En prenant le cas du Burkina Faso, ce document analyse les effets de l'achat local sur les producteurs marginaux. Il soutient que, du fait de l'importation de produits alimentaires, conjuguée aux ventes sous l'effet de la détresse effectuées par les producteurs, les conditions de marché parfaites n'existent pas. Ainsi, le prix du marché n'est pas le prix optimal. Comme il n'y a pas de prix optimal, les interventions au niveau des prix sont justifiables et le versement aux agriculteurs locaux d'un prix « plus juste » est à la fois possible et souhaitable. Les revenus supplémentaires ainsi générés donneront aux producteurs non seulement un accès supérieur aux produits alimentaires, mais aussi la possibilité d'investir afin d'accroître la production. Como fortalecer a efetividade do desenvolvimento de compras locais para ajuda alimentar Tendo como base o caso de Burkina Faso, o artigo analisa os efeitos da compra local sobre produtores marginais. Ele argumenta que por causa das importaçóes de alimentos juntamente com vendas de sofrimento por parte dos produtores, as condiçóes perfeitas de mercado não existem. Portanto, o preço de mercado não é igual ao preço timo. Tendo em vista que não existe preço ótimo, as intervençóes de preço são justificáveis e o pagamento a produtores rurais locais de um preço mais justo é possível e desejável. A renda adicional assim gerada, não apenas dará aos produtores um maior acesso a alimentos mas também a capacidade de investir para aumentar a produção. Cómo mejorar la eficiencia del desarrollo mediante la compra local de la ayuda alimentaria Basándose en el caso de Burkina Faso, este ensayo analiza los efectos de las compras locales realizadas por productores marginales. Sostiene que, debido a la importación de alimentos y a las “ventas de pánico” de los productores, no existen condiciones de mercado perfectas. Por lo tanto, el precio de mercado no es equivalente al precio óptimo. Como no existe un precio óptimo, se justifican las intervenciones en los precios, y el pago de un precio “más justo” a los productores locales es no sólo posible sino deseable. Los ingresos adicionales asi generados permitirán que los productores dispongan de más alimentos y de los medios para invertir e incrementar su producción. 相似文献
6.
This article explores how international policy elites rationalise intervention by trying to go beyond the neoliberal critique of universalist knowledge and top-down governance. In the enabling neoliberal policy projects of the 2000s, international policymakers were banned from imposing substantive policy solutions from above, but were considered (uniquely) capable of putting in place the facilitating framework through which local actors could produce context sensitive policy responses. The reason is that, although neoliberal policy rejected simplistic universalist notions of the subject, market and the state, it continued to operate through a range of reductionist assumptions, concepts and categories, such as bounded rationality, the rational design of incentives and a core set of liberal normative aspirations. In contrast, the resilience discourse seems to be set on overcoming the remaining analytical reductionism of neo-liberal policy frameworks. What are the implications for international policy engagement in the Global South of this much more radical critique? How do international policymakers think about facilitating local agency if the knowledge premises which made them an agential self in international relations disappear? The paper investigates these questions with reference to the evolution of crime-related US security interventions in the Americas, recurring especially on the Merida Initiative. 相似文献
7.
The horrific famine China experienced during the early 1960s not only highlighted the failures of Communist Parry policies, but also sparked a debate within the administration of John F. Kennedy over possible US reactions. Several of Kennedys closest advisors argued for sending American surplus food, while others were adamant that no change should be made in US policy. The final decision to ignore pleas for assistance from the United Nations and other sources was influenced by many issues, including China's relationship to the UN, its aggression toward India and offshore islands, and its role in Southeast Asia. 相似文献
8.
The horrific famine China experienced during the early 1960s not only highlighted the failures of Communist Parry policies, but also sparked a debate within the administration of John F. Kennedy over possible US reactions. Several of Kennedys closest advisors argued for sending American surplus food, while others were adamant that no change should be made in US policy. The final decision to ignore pleas for assistance from the United Nations and other sources was influenced by many issues, including China's relationship to the UN, its aggression toward India and offshore islands, and its role in Southeast Asia. 相似文献
9.
The authors explore the deleterious effects of economic globalisation on people in the USA, and explain the rise of poor people's organisations as a response to these conditions. They look at the impact of economic changes in terms of public policy and argue that the global economy is preventing a growing number of people from being able to meet their basic needs, by limiting or eliminating living-wage jobs as well as welfare programmes. However, poor people in the USA are organising to end poverty, and the Kensington Welfare Rights Union is given as a case study. Finally, the authors discuss the challenges faced by social workers and how they can be most effective in the face of a dying welfare state alongside growing exploitation and exclusion of the poor. 相似文献
10.
This article compares the political processes involved in food subsidy policies in Sri Lanka and Zambia and relates these experiences to the concept of ‘good government’ that western nations have been promoting. The Sri Lankan case illustrates the workings of the policy process in a democratic political system, albeit one that centralized considerably in the 1980s. The Zambian case illustrates the policy process in a one‐party state that returned to multi‐party democracy in 1991. Despite their very different political systems the nature of food subsidy policies show striking similarities: decades of high levels of non‐targeted consumer subsidies that placed great demands on public expenditure until radical reductions in expenditure occurred following an electorally based change of government and multilateral agency pressure. Differences in the processes of policy formulation and public accountability are explored. They reveal that neither case study functioned as democratic theory would predict. The conclusion points to the inability of the concept of ‘good government’ to model the empirical experiences reported in the article. 相似文献
11.
美洲经济一体化是一个包括南南合作和南北合作的动态发展过程。其思想渊源既可追溯到由西蒙.玻利瓦尔提出的拉美地区经济联邦的构想,还可追溯到联合国拉美经委会思想、泛美主义等。美洲经济一体化的主要理论体系是新自由主义和自由结构主义(新结构主义)。20世纪六七十年代、90年代和21世纪初,美洲经济一体化出现了三次高潮。2008年的美国大选结果将对在美洲经济一体化中由美国主导的南北合作产生重大影响。与此同时,由于领袖和制度的缺失,美洲经济一体化中的南南合作将长期处于不确定状态。 相似文献
14.
现代国际关系纷繁复杂 ,千头万绪 ,然而 ,其主要内容不外乎是“东西南北”问题。东西关系的实质是政治问题 ,南北关系的核心是经济问题。“冷战”结束后 ,东西方之间军事对抗和政治对立的格局瓦解 ,南北经济发展成为时代的主题。在后“冷战”时代 ,国家无论大小、强弱都面临着国际经济竞争日趋激烈的挑战。大多数国家打破经济发展水平的限制 ,在地区范围内开展经济合作 ,在区域经济联合中寻求经济增长的外部动力源 ,以区域经济优势积极参与国际经济竞争。在竞争中合作 ,在合作中竞争 ,成为一种“双赢”的选择。现在 ,几乎所有国家都已加入或… 相似文献
15.
Traditional approaches to fighting poverty have yielded unsatisfactory results in some African countries, and have been positively damaging in others. Economic growth and social expenditure on the part of both national governments and international donors have been ineffective in some countries, while in others they have exacerbated poverty. The author considers that this is due to the absence of participatory governance. From a theoretical perspective, support for participatory governance stems from Amartya Sen's approach to understanding poverty, which conceptualises poverty as a lack of capabilities, leading to social exclusion. The lack of such governance has led to the failure of traditional approaches in the fight against poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, the author proposes a tool for assessing the quality of governance, and its application in Cameroon. 相似文献
17.
After 9/11 and the invasion of Afghanistan, the ‘Kosovo model’ for a large-scale international response to complicated emergency became less relevant. Afghanistan was more than just a complex emergency and security now stood out as being the most challenging and rapidly developing sector that imposed a more rigorous and less idealistic approach on national contributions. The risks and costs had grown and it was important for contributing nations and their concerned officials to know how we were moving from one generation of international forces into another. This paper traces the developments that brought international forces across a threshold into a new chapter of intensive operations and explains a risk-benefit approach that any future contributors have to undergo in order to decide how deeply committed the smaller nation can afford to be. 相似文献
18.
This article reviews the development of the EU's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from its inception at the Cologne European Council Summit in June 1999 until its most immediate challenge, namely, the establishment of a military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina to take over from NATO's SFOR mission at the end of 2004. After a general survey, an analysis of the challenges and trends that confront ESDP in the coming period follows. In particular, issues relating to recognition, governance and post-nationalism are explored. 相似文献
20.
In the past five years, research sponsored by the World Bank on the economic aspects of civil war 1 ?1. The project was titled the Economics of Political and Criminal Violence. View all notes under the research directorship of Oxford economist Paul Collier has had an extraordinary influence on the subsequent study of violent conflict and civil war and on international policy. The research project has now turned its attention to the problem of countries emerging from civil war and what Collier and his co-author, Anke Hoeffler, call ‘a first systematic empirical analysis of aid and policy reform in the post-conflict growth process.’ 2 ?2. First reported in a World Bank Policy Research Working Paper circulated in October 2002, their article, ‘Aid, Policy, and Growth in Post-Conflict Societies,’ the paper was in 2003 posted on the website of the Centre for the Study of African Economics, Oxford University until it was published in 2004 in the European Economic Review. There are some minor differences between the two versions of their work, but the conclusions are identical. In the present article, the paper version will be referred to as Collier & Hoeffler (2003) and the published version as Collier & Hoeffler (2004). View all notes Building on the influence of their earlier research and the lively interest currently in knowledge about and policy on post-conflict strategies, this work is likely to be equally influential on research, thinking, and policy. It is all the more important, therefore, to subject the research to critical examination before it becomes established as conventional wisdom. This note reports one such attempt to analyze some major methodological problems with the study and argues that the research cannot sustain the conclusions they draw or the resulting policy recommendations. 相似文献
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