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亚洲国家的政党政治发源于19世纪,其发展历程蜿蜒曲折、复杂多样,大体经历了三个发展阶段:第一阶段,从19世纪到二战结束,为亚洲政党政治的形成阶段,产生了一批民族主义政党和工人阶级政党.第二阶段,从战后到冷战结束,为其迅速兴起和蓬勃发展的阶段,各种类型的政党相继出现,政党政治在多数国家立足并发挥作用.第三阶段,从冷战后至今,为其调整与演变阶段,政党政治出现了更为复杂的变化,多党民主浪潮在亚洲部分国家兴起,许多国家的政党政治发生深刻变动.  相似文献   

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Bettina Renz 《欧亚研究》2006,58(6):903-924
This article challenges the perception of the rising numbers of siloviki in Russian politics as a conscious strategy and expression of a more authoritarian policy direction pursued by President Putin. Contextualising the phenomenon within the framework of the system of elite recruitment in contemporary Russia, and engaging in a micro-level study of individual siloviki, the article argues that the role of these figures is more modest than often asserted and the possibility of a coordinated ‘siloviki project’ is unlikely.  相似文献   

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The broad purpose of this study is to exemplify changing forms of hierarchical rule manifested in post-Soviet Russia's varying provision of regional security related to military conflicts. Russia's regional role varies in form and in thickness. Although the endurance of Soviet legacy can be observed in four major areas (stabilising borders, economic interest, unification of fellow Slavs and fluctuating alliances), there is enough variance to suggest that over-deterministic theories about Russian regional foreign policy do not account for conjunctural factors that can contribute to change. Instead, we can view the Soviet and post-Soviet regional dynamic as one that is on a fluid anarchy–hierarchy spectrum.  相似文献   

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Vigilante violence is studied, defined, and delineated from a phenomenological stance. An interpretation of American vigilantism is developed: violence is intended by the perpetrators to maintain and defend, rather than change, the established sociopolitical order. Four major types of vigilantism are discussed: (1) private, spontaneous vigilantism; 2) private, organized vigilantism; (3) official, spontaneous vigilantism; and (4) official, organized vigilantism. The main objective of vigilantism is the preservation of social stability in the face of innovative behavior. It is often a reaction to the widening range of officially tolerated innovation and the existence of state‐sponsored innovation. Besides a study of the typification of motivation, the article deals with the vigilante personality.  相似文献   

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这里发表的译文选自苏联新西伯利亚"科学"出版社1990年出版的布哈林文集<社会主义之路>,是尼·伊·布哈林在1925年做的一次关于知识分子问题的演讲.正文由山东大学政治学与公共管理学院博士研究生黄登学译出,中共中央编译局研究员郑异凡先生做了校订并补译了注释.讲演做于近70年前,今天听来却并无辽远之感.听得出,我们今天议论纷纷的诸如知识劳动者阶层的兴起、知识经济等当代资本主义发展的新趋势,讲演者在近70年前就做出了一定程度的预言,这不能不使人感佩这位杰出的马克思主义理论家的远见卓识.当然,对布哈林本人及苏联社会主义模式的命运感兴趣的读者可能另有感触:演讲词中关于创作自由、思想自由、普选权等问题的观点与讲演者本人及其为之奋斗的体制的结局之间可能有着某种关联.历史的积淀而使讲词蕴涵之富,恐远非讲演者本人当年所能想像.  相似文献   

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BARGAINING OVER POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC POWER between the federal government in Moscow and the 89 subjects of the Russian Federation is now widely considered as critical to the success of Russia's democratic and free market reforms, if not to Russia's enduring viability as a state.1 The key challenge to Moscow, and to Russia as a whole, is how to harmonise different levels of political control so that economic growth could be accelerated and social tensions eased in the regions. This challenge is aggravated by the absence of reliable institutions (understood as enforceable rules of the game) regulating centre-periphery relations and the ideological and organisational disarray at the centre itself. In the regions along Russia's post-Soviet borders in particular, this problem is further complicated by a tension between geopolitical insecurity and powerful incentives for trade and economic development coming from outside Russia's borders. Relations between Moscow and the outlying regions thus become a truly 'intermestic' issue, affecting both Russia's internal post-Soviet institution building and the mode of Russia's integration into the global economy. The politics that shape relations between the Russian regions and Moscow are therefore part and parcel of Russia's evolving relations with the outside world, and the policies of regional elites are part and parcel of an increasingly complex fabric of Russia's foreign relations.  相似文献   

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The adequacy of income of a household may be defined as the ratio of its income to the income level required to achieve the conventional standard of living in the socio‐economic group to which the household belongs. This concept has greater relevance than that of income for the study of consumer behaviour (e.g. propensity to save) and other social behaviour and pathologies. Income and need for income in a country do not necessarily rise proportionately over time, thus resulting in periods of declining, as well as periods of rising, income adequacy. Furthermore, in spite of the international demonstration effect, the need for income in developing countries is significantly lower than in developed countries resulting in a much smaller gap between income adequacies than between incomes.  相似文献   

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