The Elements of the Concept of Ideology

This article, based upon an extensive examination of the literature on the concept of ideology, identifies some 27 definitional components or 'elements' which are discussed in turn to ascertain their utility and coherence as definitional criteria. On the basis of this examination a number of these elements are found to be essential to the concept, and are built into a definition which allows consideration of, among other things, the expressive and justificatory dimension of beliefs often ignored in other definitions.     

The Ambiguity of Ideology

This article responds to Rose Gann's 'The Limits of Textbook Ideology' in a previous issue of Politics. It acknowledges that she has performed a service in drawing our attention to the problematic character of the concept, particularly within the ordered world of the academic textbook. However this ambiguity in the concept is not limited to the academic textbook but exists across the whole range of the human and social sciences and is much deeper and more perplexing than her own discussion indicates.     

特里·伊格尔顿的意识形态观

英国马克思主义文学理论家伊格尔顿也许是西方马克思主义传统中继葛兰西和阿尔都塞之后最系统地探讨过意识形态概念的著名学者.本文试图阐明他的意识形态学说的基本特征.这包括四个方面:一、他既反对意识形态中心论又反对意识形态终结论,处于二者之间.二、他兼顾中性的意识形态与贬义的意识形态,广泛涉及意识形态的内含与特征.三、他对贬义意识形态尤其是意识形态认知方面的竭力维护和重新阐发,对"虚假意识"概念正名.四、他既非阿尔都塞主义者也非新葛兰西主义者,处于二者之间.本文认为,伊格尔顿的意识形态学说显示出一种中正平和的色彩,是西方马克思主义意识形态学说趋向成熟和精致的一种表现.     

Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party

The revival in interest in the British far right as a result of recent localised growth in support for the British National Party (BNP) necessitates analysis of its political ideology and objectives. This article seeks to demonstrate that the BNP is virulently hostile to liberal democracy and that this hostility derives from its revolutionary, fascist agenda. The point that the BNP is a fascist organisation is significant and cannot be ignored. At the very least, it raises important questions about the place of the BNP in contemporary British politics     

The Embedded Market and Ideology Critique

Abstract

When the Global Financial Crisis hit, major political economists were able to boast that they had long warned that "crazy times" were coming. By contrast, leading sociologists seem to have been wrong footed. Totalizing narratives of a new "risk society", "second modernity" and the like appeared to have sacrificed the grounds for weighing up the costs and damages of contemporary capitalism. Made famous by Karl Polanyi, the concept of the embedded market suggests a differentiated diagnosis of our times that should allow sociology to re-enter the discussion as a critic of an ideological attempt to block public discussions about losses and dam ages of contemporary capitalism. The following paper will explore several readings of this concept and will evaluate their capacity to revive sociology's critical powers.     

辩证思维的演进与和谐思想的生成

中华人民共和国成立以来,在我国哲学领域,其辩证思维的发展所呈现的是一条曲折前行和螺旋演进的线路。从"一分为二"与"合二而一"的讨论,到"一分为三"与"一分为多"的提出;从对"合二而一"的批判,到"斗争哲学"的流行;从"系统辩证法"的建构,到"和谐辩证法"的出场,辩证思维在注定经过若干否定之否定的逻辑行程之后,终于冲破形而上学的种种束缚而进入一个多维多样的辩证思维之境。总结和反思这一过程,对于我们深刻认识中华和谐思维的智慧特色和辩证方法的本质特征,促进全民族思维素质的提高,都具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

意识形态安全在边疆民族地区治理中的意义

意识形态,是反映国家根本利益的理论表现形式,是国家利益的重要组成部分。意识形态安全作为国家安全体系的有机组成部分,在边疆民族地区的治理中能够确保民族团结,促进经济发展,维护社会稳定,防止境外宗教渗透,保持跨国民族关系正常发展。     

执政能力建设与意识形态问题

执政能力建设与意识形态问题联系紧密。这不仅是由于意识形态问题凸现了执政能力建设的重要性、必然性,而且五大能力建设的任何一种都离不开意识形态的观念和方法。更重要的是,在当前的形势下,要把党的执政能力建设提高到一个新水平,必须把意识形态指导思想建设作为首要重点。     

Ideology and Ministerial Allocation in the Major Government 1992–1997

This article evaluates the allocation of ministerial portfolios according to ideological disposition within the Major government of 1992–1997. By examining the ideological attitudes of Conservative parliamentarians towards three ideological variables – economic policy, European policy and social, sexual and moral policy – it will analyse the ideological balance of the government vis-à-vis the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP); the ideological disposition of those departing and entering government; and the ideological profile of the ministers appointed to the 'key' ministerial positions. The article will demonstrate the following: first, the Thatcherite 'right' were underrepresented at ministerial level, whilst the Tory 'left' secured a level of ministerial representation disproportionate to their numerical strength within the PCP; second, this was despite the fact that the process of ministerial appointments and departures gradually enhanced the representation of the Thatcherite 'right' of the PCP at the expense of the Tory 'left'; and finally, the 'perception' amongst the Thatcherite 'right' was that they were being marginalised in terms of the key ministries of state.     

和谐价值理念与意识形态理论

和谐价值理念中内涵着浓厚的意识形态色彩,是阶级性与科学性、继承性与创新性、民族性与世界性的辩证统一,是社会主义意识形态理论的拓展和延伸。意识形态工作对社会和谐价值理念的形成具有重要的促进作用。新形势下,必须着眼于和谐价值理念的服务渗透,对意识形态工作进行全方位的创新。     

徐复观思想中的庄子之道

在文化产业日益发达的时代,对文化的根性寻求日益彰显其价值。在新儒家发展的历史进程中,徐复观是传奇式的突出代表。无论是其文学思想或美学思想,他都以独到和深刻的见解诠释着中国文化的根源性命脉。尤其以对"庄子的再发现"引起了学界对"庄学"的深入探微。对于心和民族性的文化,徐复观在对庄子之道的论述中全面且整体地呈现了出来。对徐复观思想中庄子之道的探寻不仅能够把握中国文化中道家思想的精髓,也能对人的真实心性有透彻的体认。     

新自由主义对我国意识形态安全的挑战及其应对

新自由主义作为一种社会意识形态,其本质是国际垄断资本主义的思想体系和政策主张,市场原教旨主义、意识形态终结论、文化霸权和华盛顿共识是其主要表现形式.改革开放以来,随着我国经济逐步融入世界发展的大潮,新自由主义乘机而入,它的广泛传播、渗透,严重威胁我国意识形态领域的安全.为此,我们必须突出强调马克思主义的指导地位,大力倡导社会主义核心价值体系,努力加强党的理论建设,以有效抵制新自由主义.     

新时代农村文化建设的指导思想

马克思主义文化理论是马克思主义科学理论体系的重要组成部分。它的形成过程是由马克思恩格斯提出,列宁依据俄国社会主义实践对之进行了进一步阐发,之后经过几代中国共产党人的努力实现了中国化,并最终形成了完善、成熟的科学理论体系。我国农村文化建设必须以马克思主义文化理论为指导,马克思主义是人类文化的精华,主要包括马克思、恩格斯、列宁文化理论和中国化的马克思主义文化理论。其本身也是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的一个重要组成部分,对整个中国特色社会主义文化建设包括农村文化建设具有指导作用。     

社会主义和谐社会的构建与社会主义意识形态的重构

构建社会主义和谐社会的理论和实践的发展,决定了社会主义意识形态观念变革和丰富的必然性:形成了社会主义发展阶段新目标的理念,推进社会和谐为社会主义社会发展动力的理念,以人为本的社会主义发展目的的理念,通过人际关系的和谐来追求社会稳定的理念,多元化的社会管理理念,以及和谐世界的理念,等等。这对党的意识形态工作的调整和细化提出了必要性:在功能定位上,从立足于教育改造人转向立足于尊重激励人;在方向上,通过整合和引领多样性的思想文化,提升自己的影响力;在价值取向上,体现党性原则和以人为本的统一,促进党的意识形态的“目的因”向公民精神的“动力因”的渗透;在对象上,注意区分不同层次,集中力量抓好重点群体的思想政治理论教育;在内容上,大力加强国家意识、生命意识、诚信意识、权利、义务和责任相统一意识、有序政治参与意识为重要内容的公民教育;在语言上,摈除不适合社会主义和谐社会构建的旧范畴,赋予已为人们普遍接受的概念以新的内涵。     

Ideology and the construction of nationality: The Canadian elections of 1993

Canada is one nation, but it is in many ways two communities, one Francophone and the other Anglophone. We employ a formal model of ideology and analyze how nationality is constructed in people's minds. The magnitude of the changes in expressed preferences in terms of ideology depends on the salience of the new issue, the extent to which it confirms with the existing ideological cleavage, and the difference between the perceived status quo on the new dimension and the voter's most preferred alternative. Using data from the 1993 Canadian National Election Study, we consider the relative importance of different policy dimensions in explaining voting decisions among educated Canadians. The issue of Quebec sovereignty, alone, is shown to have significant power for predicting vote choice. A plausible explanation, confirmed here by regression analysis, is that Quebec sovereignty stands for other issues in voters' conception of Canadian politics.