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Hannah Knox 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):113-140
Abstract Networks have recently become fashionable in social analysis but most of the new network approaches have paid scant attention to the long history of reflections upon the potential of networks as an analytical device in the social sciences. In this paper we chart the developments in networking thinking in two disciplinary areas – social network analysis and social anthropology – in order to highlight the enduring difficulties and problems with network thinking as well as its potential. The first half of the paper explores the uses of network approaches over the past fifty years, situating theoretical and methodological questions in their broader disciplinary contexts. The authors then show how emerging issues from both bodies of work offer the promise of new kinds of networking thinking. 相似文献
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Linda Chelan Li 《公共行政管理与发展》2010,30(3):177-190
Central–local relations are a matter of great importance to developmentalists because they highlight an intriguing puzzle in public administration especially in large states: how policies decided at higher echelons of the formal system can possibly be implemented by the multitude of intermediary and local actors across the system. In the case of China—the most populous nation in the world, the contrast between the authoritarian façade of the Chinese regime and yet the proliferation of implementation gaps over many policy arenas adds additional complexity to the puzzle. This article reviews changes in central–local relations in the 60 years of history of People's Republic of China (PRC) as the outcome of four co‐evolving processes, and clarifies the roles of each process: state building and national integration, development efficiency, career advancement and external influences. It points out the continuous pre‐dominance of administrative decentralization from 1950s to present time, and the new emphasis on institutionalized power sharing in the context of new state‐market boundaries since 1980s. In conclusion, the article suggests going beyond the traditional reliance on the compliance model to understand central–local interactions and the abundant implementation gaps in a context of central–local co‐agency, thereby improving policy implementation. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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《International Public Management Journal》2000,3(1):1-22
This chapter considers three paradoxes or apparent contradictions in contemporary public management reform–paradoxes of globalization or internationalization, malade imaginaire (or successful failure) paradoxes, and paradoxes of half-hearted managerialism. It suggests that these three paradoxes can be explained by a comparative historical institutionalism linked to a motive-and-opportunity analysis of what makes some public service systems more susceptible to reform than others. It further argues that such explanations can be usefully linked together by exploring public service reform from the perspective of ‘public service bargains’ or PSBs (that is, explicit or implicit bargains between public servants and other actors in the society). Accordingly, it seeks to account for the three paradoxes of public management reform by looking at the effect of different PSB starting-points on reform experience, and at the way politician calculations over institutional arrangements could account for PSB shifts in some circumstances but not others. 相似文献
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The continuing interest of governments around the world in privatizing state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is making privatization policy an important instrument for promoting market-oriented approaches to economic development. Privatization has become an integral part of administrative reform in former centrally planned socialist economies, developing countries, and post-industrial societies. More than a decade of experience with privatization provides lessons that can help governments to plan, implement and manage the process more efficiently, effectively, and responsively. The framework for managing privatization described here draws from lessons of that experience to define the forms, scope and pace of privatization, choose organizational structures for management, identify macropolicy and institutional reforms necessary to facilitate privatization, and develop management procedures for implementing privatization programmes successfully. 相似文献
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P J Castellani 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1992,11(4):593-611
This article examines the lessons learned about implementation and management from the closing of six large institutions for people with mental retardation in New York State. Unanticipated problems occurred, despite special attention to implementation issues in policy design and demonstrated management capacity in similar circumstances. A study of the closure experience showed that subtle but important changes in policy as well as changes in the context of implementation confounded the reasonable expectations of success that policymakers, managers, and analysts would normally have under these circumstances. A closer look, however, suggests that this experience should not be surprising. A more appropriate understanding of the role of policy, policymakers, and managers in implementation suggests that the burden falls heavily on middle managers, and that policy management capacity and an intergovernmental management perspective are crucial to implementation success. Moreover, this experience suggests that a broader definition of success that encompasses this normal turbulence of implementation provides a better appreciation of the requirements of implementation. 相似文献
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In many emerging and authoritarian countries, civil society organizations that focus on political or sensitive policy issues are being cracked down upon, while service-oriented ones are given a relatively greater ability to operate. What might the consequence of this be for democratic practice given the important role civic organizations play in this process? We examine this question by considering whether the absence of confidence in a country's governing institutions is related to membership in service-rather than governance-focused civic organizations, and how such membership is associated with elite-challenging, political activities in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. We find that individuals who have no confidence in state institutions are less likely to seek membership in governance-focused civic organizations, but not necessarily in service-focused ones. At the same time, membership in both types of civic organizations is associated with participation in political activities, while beliefs that a country is run democratically decreases it. This suggests that a variety of civic organizational types, even those without an explicit governance-focus, contingent on perceptions of democratic governance and other covariates held constant, enhance democratic practice. 相似文献
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yvind Ihlen 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(4):259-269
This theoretical paper criticises the dominant rhetorical approach to public relations and issues management for not integrating symbolic and material dimensions. It is suggested that public relations and issues management assist actors in pursuing their interests with the help of symbolic strategies and various types of resources or capital. By drawing on rhetorical and sociological theories, the paper presents elements for a heuristic analytical device that has the potential to help both the critic and the practitioner to get a better grasp of such processes. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
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This paper contends that John W. Hill, founding partner of Hill and Knowlton, based his philosophy of public relations on four signal elements of issues management: strategic business planning sensitive to the threats and opportunities of public policy; high standards of corporate responsibility; issues monitoring; and issues communication. His philosophy, now nearly one‐half century old, was enlightened in that it fares well against the standards of ethics, symmetry and sensitive relationship management championed in public relations literature today. This analysis is based on the philosophy Hill expressed in his two books, which establish him as one of the founders of modern issues management. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
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Hussein Kassim 《West European politics》2013,36(4):15-27
The policy network approach and the networks model are the most recent conceptual frameworks to be applied to the policy‐making processes of the European Union and are regarded by many as the most appropriate. This article, while acknowledging their appeal, puts forward a sceptical view about the usefulness of their application to the EU. Three contentions are advanced about these approaches: first, that the fluidity of EU processes eludes their capture; second, that they are insufficiently sensitive to the EU's institutional complexity and fail to recognise the importance of EU institutions; and third, that they underestimate the difficulty of delineating networks involving the EU.1 相似文献
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Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
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Paul H. Jensen 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(2):259-268
Evidence-based policymaking is all about developing and implementing better public policies. Although the logic underpinning this philosophy is simple, the practicalities of demonstrating causal effects of a public policy are much more complex. In recent years, there has been a wave of optimism about the usefulness of experimental approaches to public policy evaluation which mimics the clean, causal inferences observed in clinical trials. Although these methods, such as randomised controlled trials, have been widely advocated and implemented, they are not without their potential problems. In this paper, we consider the strengths, weaknesses, and challenges posed by the revolution in policy evaluation brought about by embracing experimental methods. 相似文献
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It is usually thought that a coalition leader in a legislature will construct coalitions of legislators who are ‘close’ to each other in the policy space. However, if there is some ‘status quo’ or other reversion point that will hold if the coalition leader fails to construct a winning coalition, a counter-intuitive result about the nature of these coalitions emerges: the coalition leader may be forced to construct a coalition which includes legislators who are ‘distant’ from him and which excludes legislators who are ‘close’ to him. 相似文献