Initiative-Resistance and the Australian Party System

In the first half of the twentieth century, writing about Australian political parties was strongly influenced by the novelty of government — and the policy agenda — being led by the political arm of organised labour. This was reflected in the tendency for commentators to treat Labor as the driving force in Australian politics and policy, and to see non-Labor as playing a predominantly reactive and oppositional role. Following strong criticism, the “initiative-resistance thesis”, as this perspective was termed, lapsed. Here we revisit the concept, tracking its origins, use, and ultimate demise in the 1960s, and reconsider its validity and relevance, particularly in light of its affinity with the international literature on the “impact of parties”. While initiative-resistance was never a “thesis” as such, and critics have overstated the hold it enjoyed in early accounts, we argue that there is merit to a version reformulated in clear propositional terms. Critics may also have overstated its weaknesses. We illustrate this by focusing on one of the main original criticisms: the need to do justice to the separate identity of the National Party in understanding an essentially two-party system.     

Federalism,Party Organization and the Australian Greens

The influence of federalism on the organizational arrangements adopted by Australia's parties endures. This study examines the organizational structure of the State and Territory divisions of the Australian Greens through an analysis of their local party constitutions. It shows that there are important areas of difference in the organizations of state and territory Greens, despite their shared ideological commitment to inclusive internal party structures. These variations are a function of institutional and political factors, especially those induced by the Australian federal system. It is argued that differences in the organizational formats of state and territory party divisions reflect the historical circumstances in which they emerged and variations in the institutional (regional) setting in which they are located.     

Contemporary Australian Political Party Organisations

Contemporary Australian Political Party Organisations. Edited by Narelle Miragliotta, Anika Gauja and Rodney Smith (Clayton, Victoria: Monash University Publishing, 2015), pp xx+263. AU$49.95 (pb).     

Trade Liberalisation in Latin America: the Bolivian Case1

Abstract— Bolivia adopted a drastic trade liberalisation in 1985 as part of its neo- liberal New Economic Policy. The paper discusses the theoretical arguments which underlie such a policy and the main neo-structuralist criticisms. It then looks at the effects of liberalisation on resource allocation, productivity growth and export performance. It concludes that the results have been disappointing which gives rise to some scepticism concerning the advantages of a wholesale policy of trade liberalisation in a low income country such as Bolivia.     

The Australian Greens: Party Organisation and Political Processes

The Greens challenge the Australian two‐party system by promoting an alternative political agenda and by facilitating democratic processes. Their recent successes in federal and state elections suggest that the party itself deserves closer scrutiny. This paper shows how the Greens are organisationally different from other parties currently active in Australian politics due to both their internal processes and their parliamentary practices. Recent theories of parties argue that party organisation has changed significantly for major parties, adopting an electoral‐professional or cartel model that centralises power and decision‐making in party representatives within parliaments. This paper shows how a smaller party uses identity formation processes to establish a distinctive organisational style. We examine the Greens' party organisation by analysing the interdependent relationships between the party membership, the state and national offices, and Green MPs. The paper is based on original research including in‐depth interviews undertaken with state and federal Greens members of parliaments.     

Liberalisation,the state and agriculture in India

Indian state embarked upon a comprehensive reform of the economy in late 1980s, and there is more or less consensus amongst policy makers regarding liberalization. The reform process in India has not encountered much resistance from pressure groups because it has not made much headway in respect of debureaucratising and depoliticising the management of the infrastructure and in decentralizing rural development.

It is important in this context to look at the macroeconomic policy changes and its impact on agricultural sector. This article attempts to analyse the performance of Indian agriculture under liberalisation. We know that in the recent past Indian agriculture is being neglected. The benefits of liberalisation could not hitherto reach the rural poor because of the failure of economic reforms to penetrate into the vital agricultural sector. The article also attempts to analyse the adverse impact, if any, of free market conditions on the rural poor and suggests changes to revamp agriculture so as to make it more competitive.     

韩国民主劳动党的崛起:背景与前景

在韩国第17届国会选举中,支持总统的开放国民党大获全胜,以往"朝小野大"的政治格局被彻底改变.与此同时,民主劳动党成功进入国会,这是左翼政党数十年来的首次突破,是韩国政治格局发生的一个重要变化.影响选举结果的主要因素除了左翼力量多年的经营以外,还包括新的投票方式、总统弹劾案偶然因素.综合来看,基于韩国目前的经济社会状况和政治力量对比,民主劳动党所能发挥的作用还相当有限.     

Transnational Advocates and Labor Rights Enforcement in the North American Free Trade Agreement

This article investigates the impact of trade‐based social clauses on labor rights enforcement. Drawing on insights from recent theoretical work on transnational advocacy networks and labor rights, the study examines how transnational groups and domestic actors engage the labor rights mechanisms under the NAFTA labor side agreement, the NAALC. A statistical analysis of original data drawn from NAALC cases complements interviews with key participants to analyze the factors that predict whether the three national mediation offices review labor dispute petitions. This study suggests that transnational activism is a key factor in explaining petition acceptance. Transnational advocates craft petitions differently from other groups and, by including worker testimony in the petitions, signal to arbitration bodies the possibility of corroborating claims through contact with affected workers.     

The Making of a Party System: Minor Parties in the Australian Senate

The Making of a Party System: Minor Parties in the Australian Senate. By Zareh Ghazarian (Clayton, Victoria: Monash University Publishing, 2015), pp.233, AU$49.99 (pb).     

Networks of Trade Protest in the Americas: Toward a New Labor Internationalism?

In the mid-1990s, for the first time in the history of the Americas, truly hemispherewide collaboration among labor organizations became possible. Yet this new political opportunity structure has not brought actors together in an undisputed new labor internationalism. This article focuses on two key sources of contention among labor organizations in the context of free trade mobilizations between 1990 and 2004: the discussions about coalition building with other civil society actors and the debates about including a social clause in trade agreements. It argues that transnational collective action occurs parallel to the continued relevance of national-level claims and targets, and that this simultaneity represents a real source of challenges, for scholars and labor organizations alike. Based on social network data and qualitative interviews in Brazil, Mexico, Chile, and the United States, the article analyzes the actions taken by labor organizations, and how these changed through time.     

The Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation 1947–54

During the Liberal Party of Australia's formative stages in the 1940s and early 1950s, the Federal and New South Wales Divisions of the Party tended to ignore and/or down play the activities of their women members and office bearers. The gulf that existed between the theory and practice in the Party was further highlighted by the formation and rapid growth of the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation, a right wing organisation that was formed in September 1947 to combat the Chifley Government's decision to nationalise the private banks. In New South Wales the AWMAS attracted a large number of women who were members and supporters of the LPA, many of whom were disillusioned with the Party. This article begins with an analysis of the rise of the AWMAS. This is followed by a review of the activities undertaken by women activists in the New South Wales Liberal Party who tried to introduce changes within the Party that would allow women members greater opportunities and thus combat the influence of the AWMAS. This is important because it sheds light on efforts to make the Party more attentive to the political needs of women, while it was still going through its formative stages. More importantly, the outcome of the conflict set the parameters for what women activists could hope to achieve in the short term in the Party in New South Wales and at the federal level.     

劳工组织、国内政治与冷战后美国对外贸易政策

冷战结束后,国内因素对美国外交的影响力日渐加强,经济贸易问题在对外政策中的地位显著上升.在北美自由贸易协定、贸易快速处理权、对华永久正常贸易关系等问题上,美国国内各种势力竞相发挥作用,试图通过国内政治影响对外贸易政策.其中,劳工组织的表现尤其活跃.劳工组织通过游说、政治捐款和选举投票等手段向国会议员尤其是民主党议员施加压力,要求其反对贸易自由化政策,从而在很大程度上参与了对外经贸政策的塑造.劳工组织反对贸易自由化的斗争,反映出美国劳工运动的复兴.但内部的分歧、外部的工商界打压等又限制着其在对外贸易政策上的影响.     

Changing South Korean Water Policy after Political and Economic Liberalisation

This study explores the way in which South Korean water policy has been dynamically (re-)constructed by continuing political contestations among diverse social forces acting in and through the state in the face of political and economic liberalisation. The path-dependency of the state-driven water resource policy under the former authoritarian regime did not disappear even after the democratisation. It was difficult to transform the old authoritarian and hierarchical water governance to the newly democratic and environmentally friendly one because the Ministry of Construction, as a main actor in driving water policy under the authoritarian regimes, did not give up its interest in a dam-based policy orientation, although it did partially accept institutional tools for democratic policy making, such as public hearings and the participation of civil society in the process of establishing the water policy plan. It also showed democratic and environment-friendly gestures using the rhetoric of environmentalism and localisation. Overall, this article emphasises the importance of the path-dependency of the past authoritarian regimes under democratised society to better understand the current democratic regime’s policy orientation.     

Market Power and Misunderstandings: The Case of EU‐Australian Trade Diplomacy

The article critically examines EU‐Australia relations through the negotiation of the 1994 and 2008 Agreements between Australia and the European Community on Trade in Wine. EU‐Australia relations are often characterised as defined by Australia's focus on the UK and the EU's agricultural policies. This article moves beyond these assumptions and analyses the negotiation of the wine trade agreements through three factors: the pattern of political institutions, power asymmetry and subjective utility of non‐agreement alternatives. It argues that perceptions, miscalculations, and misunderstanding have had an impact on how these factors shaped negotiation outcomes. These negotiations are an under‐studied case in the development of EU‐Australian relations, and are useful in understanding how the perceptions of negotiators shape outcomes in the EU's negotiations with Australia.     

The Formation of the Queensland Liberal National Party: Origins,Prospects and Implications for Australian Political Systems

In Australia, two-and-a-half party systems are common with the Liberal and National parties, usually needing to collaborate to form governments. In Queensland, the 2008 merger of two of these state parties to create the Liberal National Party (LNP) created instead a two-party system. This review examines the forces for the merger and prospects for the continuation of the LNP, the likelihood of change as a result of the Queensland merger in the remaining two-and-a-half party systems, and how the drivers of this merger compare with those observed in studies of other non-Australian party and electoral systems. Pressures and conditions for a merger similar to those in other, mostly European systems, were evident in the case of the LNP. The particular structure of the pre-merger party competition and relationships was, however, a likely factor in the merger in that two collaborating parties could avoid a contested switch in party seniority. This aspect, unlikely to occur in other Australian party systems, combined with the very limited success of the LNP in gaining and holding government since the merger, does not suggest an imperative for further mergers in other Australian systems.