大学生个人空间感的实证研究

通过对苏州大学大学生在自习教室的落座规律的研究来分析大学生的个人空闻感.研究1采用现场观察法总结出大学生个人空间感的五个规则,分别为靠墙规则,前疏后密规则,后方落座规则,远离门规则以及密度等分散性规则.研究2采用实验法,发现大学生的落座顺序有显著差异,但不受性别和进入方位的影响.研究3采用实验法,发现大学生前方个人空间距离显著小于后方.但是前后方的个人空间距离并无显著的性别差异.     

社会发展对居民体育参与行为的影响因素研究——以社会分层、个人空间为视角

基于CGSS 2010数据对影响我国城乡居民体育锻炼行为的因素进行了定量分析。研究发现个人及家庭年收入、受教育程度两个与个人社会阶层地位相关的因素对居民的体育锻炼频率产生了显著的正向影响;与个人空间有关的周工作时间对体育锻炼行为具有显著的负向影响;对体育的兴趣、居住地周围体育锻炼的适宜程度也对居民体育锻炼行为具有显著的正向影响。我国公民的体育锻炼行为存在显著的城乡差异、性别差异和年龄差异。     

高中生学习动机的因素结构分析

本研究对 6 6 2名高中生的学习动机进行了调查与因素分析。结果表明 :(1 )高中生的学习动机主要由求知进取、回报社会、追求优越、追求荣耀等四个因素构成 ;(2 )自评与他评结果的比较说明 ,学生和老师都高估了在求知进取因素上的动机强度 ;(3)职业高中学生的学习动机普遍强于普通高中 ,重点与普通中学学生在各动机强度得分均无显著差异 ;(4)各学习动机强度在性别上差异不明显 ,城市学生的学习动机强度普遍强于农村学生 ;(5 )高三年级学生的学习动机在各年级中最强。     

情绪STROOP效应中负性情绪刺激的加工过程探究

采用状态-特质焦虑量表(STAI)中的特质焦虑量表筛选中等焦虑水平大学生作为被试,对情绪STROOP效应中负性情绪刺激的加工过程进行探查。发现注意资源对被试的反应时间影响作用显著,并且负性情绪刺激在情绪STROOP效应中得到优先加工。     

农业专业研究生人际交往归因的现状调查研究

从农业专业研一、研二分层随机选择有效被试261名,探讨了农业研究生对人际交往成败结果的归因特点和性别、文理差异。结果表明:农业研究生人际交往成功时归因风格呈现内控倾向;成败结果差异显著;能力原因上的性别、成败的交互作用显著;能力原因上的性别、文理和成败的交互作用显著。     

经济全球化与民族凝聚力

经济全球化导致全球意识的不断强化 ,但每个民族仍然需要民族意识和民族凝聚力 ,要增强中华民族的凝聚力 ,有必要把握如下相互关联的几个方面 :( 1)保持民族文化的独立性与开放性 ;( 2 )核心价值观的导向与民族共同理想的认同 ;( 3)爱国情怀与民族自豪感的培育 ;( 4 )以经济的竞争力提升文明的说服力和民族的影响力 ;( 5 )充分发挥互联网对增强民族凝聚力的积极效应。     

高师学生合作与竞争意识现状调查

本调查采用自编《大学生合作与竞争意识问卷》对浙江省重点师大学生的合作与竞争意识现状进行了抽样调查。调查发现 :( 1 )学生合作与竞争意识存在极为显著的正相关 ;( 2 )学生合作与竞争意识总体水平不高 ;( 3)男女生之间合作与竞争意识无显著差异 ;( 4 )学生干部合作与竞争意识明显优于普通同学 ,尤其是一三年级 ;( 5)学生合作与竞争意识年级间差异显著 ,而且随年级增高呈下降趋势 ;( 6 )不同专业的学生合作与竞争意识差异显著。     

四川省农业生产技术效率的变迁及影响因素分析——基于产出异质性随机前沿生产函数的实证

基于产出异质性随机前沿生产函数模型(TFE-SFA),利用四川省21个市(州)1999-2013年农业投入产出的面板数据,对各地区农业生产技术效率水平及其波动性进行了测算,对技术效率的影响因素进行了分析。结果发现:(1)四川省不同市(州)在农业生产上具有显著的个体效应;(2)四川农业生产技术效率随时间推移有下降趋势,不同地区的技术效率差异明显,耕地面积、灌溉比率、财政支农、人均纯收入对技术效率有显著的正效应,化肥施用量、城镇化水平的影响显著为负;(3)"九五时期"以来,四川省农业技术效率的波动幅度显著增加。     

手机广告效果影响因素的实验研究

以30名大学生为被试,采用3(位置:上、中、下)×2(材料类型:文字、文字加图片)×2(广告文字颜色与手机网页文字颜色一致性:一致、不一致)被试内实验设计初步探讨了不同因素对手机广告效果的影响。结果表明:文字加图片的广告更容易吸引受众的注意;广告投放于手机网页的上部和中部更容易引起受众的注意;广告文字与手机网页文字颜色不一致时,更容易获得注意;当广告投放于手机网页的上部和中部时,广告文字与手机网页文字颜色不一致更能吸引注意。当广告投放于手机网页的下部时,采用与手机网页文字颜色一致的文字会使得广告更能引起注意。     

学校类型对农民工子女价值观与行为模式的影响——基于上海的实证研究

农民工子弟学校和公办学校是农民工子女在城市接受义务教育的两种主要渠道。本文在政治社会化的理论框架下,讨论学校类型对于农民工子女价值观和行为模式的影响。实证研究发现:(1)公办学校的农民工子女更接近主流价值观,农民工子弟学校的学生与主流价值观表现出一定的疏离;(2)就读于公办学校的农民工子女更为强烈地感受到城市主流社会的歧视;(3)公办学校的农民工子女对于个人前景的预期低于农民工子弟学校的学生,具有更强的挫败感。可见,单纯的教育吸纳对于促进农民工子女社会融合的作用极其有限。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.