Encountering the Other: The Challenge for the 21st Century

In this section, NPQ takes a look at the history of relations with the Other and how that has changed with globalization. Ryszard Kapuscinski writes of the moral imperative of embracing the Other. Tariq Ramadan speaks urgently of the Muslim Other in Europe. Taking the New Orleans calamity as a point of departure, Richard Sennett reminds us that stupidity for the Greeks meant ignorance of the Other.     

委内瑞拉查韦斯“21世纪社会主义”理论

查韦斯自1998年当选委内瑞拉总统以来,十分向往社会主义。从2005年2月起,查韦斯多次提出要用“21世纪社会主义”和“新社会主义”取代“资本主义”,并自称是社会主义者。他提出的建设“21世纪社会主义”的理论,如今已成为拉美地区社会主义运动的重要思潮之一,并产生了一定的影响。     

进入21世纪的日本共产党

在即将进入 2 1世纪的 2 0 0 0年 1 1月 ,日本共产党召开了第 2 2次代表大会。以此次大会为标志 ,这个拥有 80年历史的政党正在力图实现自身的巨大转变。这种转变主要表现为 ,对党的性质进行了重新界定 ;作为党的最终奋斗目标的“共产主义社会”被“共同社会”所取代 ;“资本主义框架内的民主改革”成为实现“共同社会”的途径 ,“社会主义革命”从党章中消失 ;进一步明确了对社会主义的基本立场等。日本共产党决意开始这种世纪性大转变 ,既有其自身组织能力严重退化的原因 ,又有日本社会结构深刻变化以及冷战后世界社会主义运动的影响。     

Terrorism and Beyond: a 21st Century Perspective

Abstract

This study examines trends in the incidence of international hostage‐barricade terrorism (HBT) since the late 1960s, the concurrent development of elite hostage rescue units (HRUs), and the relative effectiveness of American, Soviet, West European, Israeli, and other Third World responses—using dialogue or force—to HBT actions. Although HRUs have scored some dramatic rescues, three major hostage massacres in Third World countries in 1985–1986 and other bloody HBT incidents in 1988 demonstrated the high cost of using force prematurely and ineptly to resolve HBT crises. Focusing on these and other HRU failures, this study questions the American and Israeli “no‐ransom, no‐negotiation” policies in HBT situations and concludes that a more flexible approach of patiently “talking down” and “wearing down” the hostage‐takers through basic hostage‐negotiation techniques—even if only as a delaying tactic—is vital for maximizing the chances for rescuing hostages safely, whether through dialogue or force. Conversely, if authorities quickly resort to military action, hostages are far more likely to suffer casualties than to be rescued safely.     

The Fourth Revolution: Reinventing the State and Democracy for the 21st Century

Historically, liberal democracy was born as a means to curb the power of kings and tyrants through mechanisms that would ensure accountability and consent of the governed. A system of checks and balances—two legislative chambers, executive and independent courts—were instituted to ensure power did not become too concentrated. Today's highly diverse, mass consumer societies, however, have presented another set of challenges. Power is so diffused governance is becoming ineffective. The short‐term mentality of voters and the lobbying of special interests undermine the ability of democracies to focus on the long‐term and the common interest. Because there are more checks than balances, gridlock has supplanted consensus. In this section, we compare Chinese and Western systems on their ability to deliver good governance. The editors of the Economist magazine put the debate in historical context.     

Risk, Gender, and Development in the 21st Century

Globalization creates wealth but also financial crises. Although these systemic risks are generated by all participants in the world economy, their costs are disproportionately borne by the poor, especially women, who live in developing nations, with irrevocable damage to their capabilities. Since current reform proposals do not address inequities in the distribution of the costs of financial crises, we suggest changes in the design, implementation, content, and funding of policies that could provide security to women during crises. We argue that our suggestions will not succeed without women's participation in the debate on the reform of international financial architecture.     

马克思主义:西方与东方--20世纪马克思主义的演变及其21世纪的前景

20世纪马克思主义在东西方走上了不同的发展道路.东西方马克思主义在这一百年中产生了五次重大分歧,基本格局是东方的制度社会主义成为马克思主义发展的主流和中心.二者的百年争论集中在市场与民主两大主题上,分歧的根源在于双方历史阶段和文化背景的差异以及对马克思主义基本理论和20世纪实践关系的不同看法.马克思主义的两股潮流将在21世纪反对全球资本主义的斗争中重新合流,走向马克思主义发展的新阶段.     

21世纪美日贸易谈判及其对华影响

21世纪之初,美日两国相关领域专家曾就开启双边FTA谈判的可行性进行探讨;两国政府间谈判后来也终于启动。作为第一阶段贸易谈判的成果,《美日贸易协定》和《美日数字贸易协定》已于2020年1月1日正式生效。进入21世纪以来,美日贸易谈判得以启动,表面来看是美国为了降低与日本的巨额贸易赤字,利用追加汽车关税手段对日施压,日本被迫应允。实际上,美日贸易谈判的启动和发展是两国在经济利益、双边关系、地缘政治、权力博弈等多种动因综合作用下的结果。美日贸易谈判增加了美国重返TPP/CPTPP制衡中国的可能,为美日联手打造排除中国的数字贸易规则创造了条件,建立了不对称权力谈判的样板,并增大了日本在中、美之间实施战略摇摆的可能性。美日贸易谈判短期内对中国的影响并不明显,但从中长期来看,特别是在新冠肺炎疫情加速推动世界秩序重构、美日两国政府更替、RCEP签署、中欧投资协定谈判如期完成、中国表态积极考虑加入CPTPP并正就相关事项展开研究等新的国际政治经济形势下,会在多个方面产生较大影响。深入分析进入21世纪以来美日贸易谈判有助于中国及时妥善应对相关问题。     

21世纪初国际军控的发展趋势

冷战结束后,国际军控曾取得一定进展,参 加国日益增多,有效性不断增强。近年来,由于美国坚持追求单边绝对安全、坚持发展和部署导弹防御系统,使大国间互不信任加深,国际军控进程严重受阻。21世纪初,由于国际形势骤变,各种因素错综复杂,国际军控将步履艰难。