中国政党制度框架下的党际监督

现阶段．对民主党派的民主监督职能．人们认识上还不够清晰．实际运作中还存在明显的差距，常常流于形式，人们对其象征意义已远远超过了对其实际效果的重视。如何有效发挥民主党派的监督作用．让民主党派不仅仅成为执政党的“智囊团”、“思想库”，而且成为我国政治生活的“晴雨表”、“监控器”？     

政治和谐与中国特色政党制度

中国特色政党制度和政治和谐之间具有密切的关联,二者构成互动影响。政治和谐是中国特色政党制度的目标指向,中国特色政党制度是建构政治和谐的路径选择。本文通过分析政治和谐的内涵、特征及现状,解构中国特色政党制度的结构和功能,找出中国特色政党制度和政治和谐之间的逻辑关联,从政党制度的视角提出构建政治和谐的路径选择。     

论有中国特色的政党制度

中国共产党领导的多党合作制度,是有中国特色的政党制度安排。依法实施制度安排是坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作制度的重要途径。只有依法实施政党制度安排,才能有效规范政党之间、政党与政权之间、政党与政治资源之间的关系,才能进一步规范中国共产党领导的多党合作制度政治结构,充分发挥政治功能,才能在新形势下解决中国共产党领导的多党合作制度面临的新问题,才能坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作制度。     

我国多党合作政治架构下的党际关系

马聪在《中央社会主义学院学报》2006年第2期撰文认为，我国多党合作政治架构下的党际关系．是指中国共产党与各民主党派间的关系，具有自身特点，体现了我国政党制度不同于他国的价值。作者认为，不论是“亲密友党”、“领导与被领导”、“执政党与参政党”。还是著名的十六字方针．虽然在某一方面表明了执政党与参政党之间的关系。但缺乏定义完整性、理论延伸性，也不利于对外宣传。他提出，多党合作政治架构下的党际关系的定位与表述必须包含三个方面的内容：一是政党制度中不同政治主体之间作用于对方的政治作用的特点。二是体现“长期共存，互相监督”的政党政治的内在本质要求。三是体现十六字方针基本精神。十六字方针是探讨我国多党合作政治架构下的党际关系的基本指导原则和起点．而其本身并非是对执政党与参政党之间关系特点及相互作用的终极概括。党际关系一般是由各不同政治主体围绕政权相互作用于对方的政治行为来体现。稳定性、和谐性、促进性就是我国多党合作政治架构下的党际关系的三大特征和特点。1．稳定性。一方面，长期共存的原则即体现出中国共产党与民主党派在确定领导与被领导关系的前提下实现和确保共存的长期性和稳定性．这是多党合作关系维系的基础。     

论在我国政党制度下推进公民有限政治参与

当前我国的政治参与存在着参与趋势扩大和参与制度滞后的矛盾,而要解决这一矛盾,有必要借鉴技术主义和平民主义的经验,鼓励人们进行有限政治参与.印要积极开发和利用现有制度资源,充分发挥政党的政治参与功能.我国的政党制度可以为人们提供充分的参与渠道,但目前这一制度在引导人们群众的参与方面优势仍然没有充分发挥出来.因此,要以制度建设为基本取向,不断完善这一制度.作为执政党的共产党要不断完善党内民主并带领实现社会民主,作为参政党的民主党派要加强自身建设并逐步担任国家领导职务.     

中国政党制度与“中国模式”

在中国共产党的领导下,中国的现代化由于选择自主发展道路,没有陷入拉美地区的‘依附性陷阱’与东亚等国依赖美国的‘傍大款误区’,没有采取俄罗斯西方化转轨的‘休克疗法’,不仅在政治与经济上,而且在文     

政治文化视域下中西政党制度的结构比较

政治文化构成了政党制度的外在环境和内在精神。中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是在"多元一体"文化影响下形成了合作型主次结构,西方国家的多党竞争轮替制度是在"合法反对"文化制约下形成了竞争型平行结构。两大政党制度结构既有共同体现人类政治文明进步的一致性,又有因政治文化不同而产生的差异性。通过比较中西两种政党制度,揭示两者的共性和区别,借鉴和继承别国经验,使我国社会主义政党制度建设更加科学,在我国社会主义现代化事业中发挥更大的作用。     

中国政党制度的历史探索

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,是中国近现代政治文明转型的历史选择,是中国共产党和中国人民政治智慧的结晶,是世界政党和政党制度史上的伟大创造。这一独具中国特色的社会主义政党制度模式的产生,决不是偶然的,而是近代中国在引进政党和政党制度后,在经历了多党制、两党制、一党制模式的实践失败后,逐渐形成和发展起来的一种适合中国国情的崭新的政党制度模式。深入研究和探讨中国政党制度模式发展演变的历史,对于澄清社会上存在的盲目崇拜西方政党制度的错误认识、挫败     

民主政治视野下的党际关系和谐

在民主政治视野中讨论党际关系和谐,应该体现其时代的特征和国情的特色。本文主要从静态和动态的角度分析我国党际关系和谐原因,并以民主政治制度为中轴,对构建我国党际关系和谐的四大原则作了解读,对发展和谐党际关系的途径进行了阐述。     

论中国特色政党制的党际互动——基于管理哲学的视角

中国特色政党制的基点是中国共产党领导的党际合作,这是中国政党制最根本的现实。这种政党制反映了一种新型领导观:致力于释放、引导和开发被领导者的创造力潜能。中国共产党身先示范,从理念、政策和制度等取向积极促成党际良性互动。它揭示的权力观相对于传统此消彼长的权力观而言,是一种加法权力观。新时期如何更好地开展有利于党际互动的能力建设非常重要。     

论政治文明与政党制度建设的关系

政治文明的实质和核心是政治民主化 ,其核心表现形式是制度文明。文明的政治制度化发展程度 ,事实上是一个事关人类政治文明发展的核心问题 ,在这个问题上 ,体现着一个国家和民族的政治智慧。笔者认为 ,随着人们价值观的变化 ,媒体的变化和政治发展的变化 ,政党体制也必然发生变化。在社会主义政治文明建设中 ,在政党制度建设问题上 ,执政党和参政党构成一个共同政治体系的两个方面 ,共产党处于多党合作的核心地位 ,起着领导作用 ,当代中国政党制度建设的关键在中国共产党     

Explaining the impact of new parties in the Western European party systems

ABSTRACT

In recent years, and particularly following the impact of the “great recession”, Western European party systems have undergone profound change. New parties have emerged and been successful, thus radically changing the structure of inter-party competition. So far, research on new parties has been mainly conducted from party-level and election-centred perspectives. Here, instead, we focus on party system innovation (PSInn), meaning the impact of new parties on Western European party systems, and on the factors that explain such impact, by adopting a systemic perspective and taking into account all the arenas where inter-party competition takes place (i.e. elections, parliaments and governments). For this purpose, this article relies on an original dataset on the performances of new parties in terms of votes, seats, and ministerial posts, covering about 350 elections and 670 governments in 20 countries, over the period 1945–2017. The results of the analysis show a notable increase in PSInn over the last decade, in particular with regard to the electoral and parliamentary arenas. Moreover, data show that PSInn in the electoral and the parliamentary arenas is mainly predicted by turnout change, while in the governmental arena is instead driven by the country’s economic performance.     

The search for the centre: Pivot parties in West European party systems

The central question is whether or not in multiparty systems the so‐called parties of the ‘centre’ can be defined and observed in isolation. We start from the assumption that party‐life in the centre‐space of a political system has distinctive features. Centre parties must therefore be conceptualised and analysed as phenomena sui generis and do not belong to either the left‐wing or the right‐wing of a party system. The second assumption is that every party in a parliamentary democracy is a vote seeking and policy guided actor. This means that a centre party depends on its capacity to compete with both ‘wings’ of a party system whilst occupying the centre‐space. It is then capable of becoming the ‘pivot’ of the system: its ‘centrality’ and ‘dominance’ represent ideological distinctiveness and electoral/legislative weight. The cross‐national analysis demonstrates that only a few parties are genuine pivot parties. The paper concludes with a discussion about the issue whether or not the existence of a pivot party is a blessing in disguise for the working of a democracy.     

The literature on European parties and party systems since 1945: A quantitative analysis

Abstract. This article analyses the structure and evolution of the literature on parties and party systems in Europe since 1945. Using a bibliographical database comprising all references to scientific work on parties and party systems, we propose an innovative quantitative analysis. The completeness of our database allows us to show in detail the evolution of the literature over time. On the basis of a systematic coding of all references with respect to the type of parties, the countries and topics covered, as well as the language, place and type of publication, we propose a detailed quantitative analysis of the literature in all its dimensions. The result of our exploration is an accurate map of the literature on political parties in Europe.     

From voter ID to party ID: How political parties affect perceptions of election fraud in the U.S.

This paper uses a survey experiment to assess what individuals understand about election fraud and under what circumstances they see it as a problem. I argue that political parties are central to answering both these questions. Results from the 2011 CCES survey suggest respondents are able to differentiate between the relative incentives of Democrats and Republicans where fraud tactics are concerned, but whether voters see these tactics as problematic is heavily influenced by partisan bias. The results show little support for the notion that partisan ideology drives fraud assessments, and suggest support for the idea that individual concerns for fraud are shaped a desire for their preferred candidate to win. These results offer insights that might be applied more broadly to questions of perceptions of electoral integrity and procedural fairness in democracies.     

Competition of newspapers and the location of political parties

In this paper we suggest a model for an analysis of how newspapers and political parties determine their ideological orientation and how both decisions depend on each other. Quite naturally dissemination of information plays an important role. The model is set up as a two-stage game. Because elements of horizontal as well as vertical product differentiation are present in this model location patterns in ideology space exhibit in general neither maximal nor minimal differentiation, although we keep quite close to the Downs model, with information as the most important distinguishing feature. Furthermore, the model shows by way of example that economic theory can be a useful tool to investigate issues which are central to communication science.