共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 62 毫秒
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工读教育是我国解决青少年犯罪问题的一大创举,随着工读教育实践的普及与深入,有关工读教育矫正工作及其成就的理论成果硕果累累,笔者对近30年的研究成果进行了综述以及相关的思考与评价,旨为我国学者了解和把握工读教育研究热点和发展趋势提供依据。 相似文献
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转变政府支出模式与构建和谐社会 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
理论和经验表明,从政府投资转向政府消费是政府支出模式的必然选择。从我国政府消费和政府投资的现状及横向比较中可以发现,我国政府投资率相对过高,政府消费率相对过低。政府投资主导型支出模式将加剧经济波动、导致公共服务不足、拉大收入差距以及破坏生态环境,不利于经济社会和谐发展。构建和谐社会需要政府加大消费支出。 相似文献
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在学校人事管理应当以法治管理为底线,以情感管理为境界,情法交融。本文探讨两种管理模式的提出及在学校管理中的意义,提出情感管理和法治管理的关系是相互影响,相互作用的,做到两者的有机统一,有利于提高学校管理水平,提升学校质量。 相似文献
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一国两制的台湾模式是一种理论建构型模式,包括静态模式和动态架构。动态的台湾模式按其内在逻辑可分为统一模式和实践模式,前者是两岸走向统一过程的方式、步骤及组织形式,可具体分为和平发展阶段、政治谈判阶段、统一前的过渡阶段;后者是统一后一国两制在台湾的实施方式、状态和经验归纳。从根本上说,一国两制的台湾模式是由两岸共同构建的国家统一和国家发展模式。 相似文献
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和谐司法是新时期审判工作的指导原则和基本要求,本文从协同主义的中国式话语入手分析,提出了在中国构建协同主义的民事诉讼模式的建议。 相似文献
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工读教育作为教育矫正问题青少年的重要形式在当前面临尴尬境地,在教育形式和招生方式上未能及时适应社会形势做调整是其主要原因。根据宽严相济刑事政策的要求,工读学校招生方式应当实现司法强制化;教育形式应当实现多样化,避免片面强调半工半读、职业教育。同时资源配置上的特殊化对待也是工读教育在新时期发挥其教育矫正、挽救未成年人作用所必须的保证性条件。 相似文献
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Monica Ciobanu 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(3):315-335
This article examines the position of the industrial working class in Romania before 1989, its role in the overthrow of the
communist regime during the December 1989 revolution, and its status during the postcommunist transition to democracy after
1989. The subordination of labor interests by both communist and postcommunist regimes to ideologies that underestimated the
issue of class differentiation is emphasized throughout the paper. This analysis is undertaken at two levels, namely, the
rewriting of the history of communism after 1989 and the obstacles encountered during the process of democratic transition.
The later aspect refers to the problematic relationship between the intellectuals and the working class and labor's lack of
involvement in shaping the post-1989 economic and political reforms. The argument that I pursue is that many of the setbacks
experienced during the democratization process are partly rooted in the status of labor as an important absentee from the
discourse and agenda of both incumbent governments and intellectual elites. It has been a significant factor in pushing the
working class towards an illiberal right-wing politics and ideologies of a populist, xenophobic, and anti-intellectual nature. 相似文献
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论法制教育课程化与法制课程生活化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中学生在学习法律常识内容时普遍表现冷淡,但调查显示学生对开设法制教育课程的态度是肯定的,不满意的是法制教育的方式和手段。学校法制教育不是一般的法制宣传,它必须遵循教育规律,必须按照学校教育的特点将它设计成为合乎教育要求并服务于学校办学目标的学校教学课程,实现法制教育的“课程化”和“生活化”。 相似文献
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Karen Barkey 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2005,19(1-2):5-19
This article explores the relationship between religion and politics in the context of the recent debates on Islam and religious fundamentalism. I argue that too much attention is paid to the theological issues of Islam, and that we should rather focus on the historical conditions that tend to produce religious tolerance or intolerance. I use the Ottoman Empire as an example of a polity that succeeded in maintaining religious and ethnic toleration for the tremendous diversity it encountered within its frontiers. I analyze the specific relationship between the Ottoman state and Islam, the subordination of religion to the state, the dual role of religion as an institution and a system of beliefs as well as the intricacies of the millet system. I conclude that the particular relationship that was forged between religion and politics during the first four centuries of the empire promoted religious openness and toleration. 相似文献
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当代中国工人阶级队伍变化的特点及其影响 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
张朝晖 《当代世界社会主义问题》2004,(3)
当代工人阶级队伍的一系列变化,根源于社会生产力的发展,带有时代所赋予的鲜明特点,并对工人阶级自身和整个社会都发生了重大而复杂的影响.深刻认识当代工人阶级的变化及其特点和影响,对于工人阶级和党的未来发展,以及社会主义现代化建设都具有极其重要的意义. 相似文献
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随着“一带一路”建设的不断推进,沿线国家成为来华留学生的主要生源国,沿线国家来华留学教育市场前景广阔,呈现总体规模不断扩大,生源地分布较集中,留学生学习类别、学习层次及专业需求分布不均衡,学生经费来源以自费为主等特点。鉴此,中国可加强“一带一路”框架下的政府间合作,并借此推动沿线国家来华留学教育发展;完善相关法律法规和体制机制,为沿线国家学生来华留学提供制度保障;提升教学质量,增强高校竞争力和吸引力;加强宣传引导,提升便利性,做好相关服务,提高沿线各国学生的来华意愿。 相似文献
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钱凡 《当代世界与社会主义》2001,(1):51-53
中国对待苏联模式的态度经历了一个从"以苏为师"到"以苏为鉴"的曲折过程,开始时接受苏联模式主要是一种自觉的行为.中国社会主义建设的失误,不仅仅是苏联模式造成的,也有与我们在学习进程中未能充分吸收其精华、抛弃其糟粕有关. 相似文献
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Zophia Edwards 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2018,53(4):477-499
Development sociologists generally agree that states play a critical role in promoting, as well as in impeding, development. However, far less scholarly consensus exists on the precise historical processes that lead either to strong or to weak states. This paper investigates the factors that shape varied state capacities through a comparative-historical analysis of two similar countries with divergent development outcomes—Trinidad and Tobago and Gabon. In the 1960s, both countries had comparably large amounts of oil wealth, minimal state involvement in the economy, and low levels of development. In the 1970s, state capacity in Trinidad and Tobago dramatically increased and the country went on to achieve high levels of development. The Gabonese state, on the other hand, remained weak resulting in persistent low levels of development. This paper traces the divergence in state capacity to variations in working class mobilization, specifically the particular type of working class movements in each country and the political opportunity contexts. In doing so, this paper reveals new agents and contingencies producing state capacity that are not predominantly discussed in the contemporary development literature, and the meso-level mechanics by which these agents are successful or constrained in doing so. 相似文献