The State and Power

The historic decisions of the 22nd Party Congress, and the new Party Program adopted by that congress, have posed major and serious tasks before Soviet social science, particularly that of a comprehensive study of the paths of development from the socialist state to communist public self-government. In the solution of this task, Soviet philosophers and jurists inevitably encounter questions pertaining to the concept of power and its relationship to the state. (1)     

权力的分化及国家权力的社会化--评郭道晖的《论权力的多元化与社会化》

公民权利与国家权力的关系问题是法学（包括法理学）的一个基本问题。就我国国内的研究看，对于权力问题的关注则是近些年的事，最初是对权利和义务关系的讨论，之后一部分学者将目光投向对于国家权力问题的考察。 ２０世纪８０年代以来，国内对于权力问题的研究逐渐从政治学领域转向法理学界，涌现出一些研究成果。尽管学术论著不多，但所涉足的范围已囊括了权力的概念、类别、构成、起源、分化、演变、异化，以及权力与权利、权力与责任、权力与民主宪政、权力腐败与权力制约等诸多方面，其见解不乏新意。ｏ权力问囚的彼关注自然同正处于…     

论国家紧急权力

国家紧急权力是国家在宣布进入紧急状态之后所行使的一种不受民主宪政的分权原则和人权保障原则的一般限制的国家权力,其目的是通过必要的权力集中与人权克减来达到消灭危机、恢复国家正常秩序的目的。国家紧急权力的行使涉及到所有的国家机关,三权分立的宪政原则要在一定程度上转变为三权合作,以便集中所有的国家机器来应对危机。国家紧急权力的行使由于具有高度的集中性与独裁性,因此必须建立相应的制约机制以保证紧急状态的宣布不会成为独裁专制的开始。     

“最高国家权力机关”的权力边界

《宪法》第62条第16项对全国人民代表大会作了兜底式授权。鉴于全国人大在我国的特殊优越地位,如何在宪法框架内为其划定权力边界,是理论上与实践上的重大议题。宪法上所称的最高国家权力机关应当作为一个规范概念予以把握,以判断全国人民代表大会的权限。第一,最高国家权力机关的最高是指在公权力机关序列中的相对优越,而不是绝对无限;第二,最高国家权力机关在行使监督权时,不应损及被监督者依据宪法而享有的职权的完整性与独立性;第三,最高国家权力机关的实际行动能力决定了应当由其行使的职权是有限的。     

State Power and Self-Government Under Socialism

The experience of history offers persuasive evidence that socialism can take firm root and develop successfully only if the power of the working class is solid and rigorous, and if that class acts in alliance with all other working elements of the population, if society is led by a Marxist-Leninist party, and if there is a carefully structured and active state. That state must function as organizer of economic, political, and cultural development. Socialist ownership of the fundamental means of production must prevail in an environment of extensive application of the principles of socialist democratic procedures. The communist and workers' parties of the lands of the socialist commonwealth, basing their activity on the universal regularities of the struggle for socialism and communism, creatively develop revolutionary theory and strive for further progress in all spheres of the life of society.     

Inertia of the State Power Hierarchy

Russian regional policy in 2015 was focused on the continued dismantling of the modest political reforms introduced during the Medvedev presidency. These changes were implemented in order to minimize the possibility of the emergence and strengthening of new independent political players, and the resultant institutional imbalance toward centralization at the regional level was merely a side effect of this effort. The net effect has been a major strengthening of the power of governors at the expense of all other political actors at the regional level. The governors' power will now only be checked by federal oversight.     

违法所得问题研究

违法所得是指违法所得的一切财物的简称,在诉讼活动中占有重要地位。但是由于立法和理论研究的不足,导致司法实践中违法所得的概念不清、主体不明、数额计算不统一以及程序设计不完善等。因此,有必要对违法所得问题展开实体与程序全方位的研究,完善违法所得的处理机制。     

The United Nations Organization and Global Power Politics: The Antagonism between Power and Law and the Future of World Order

The dilemma faced by the United Nations Organization at thebeginning of the 21st century lies in its inability to reconcilethe structural realities of power politics in a unipolar worldwith the requirements of the international rule of law. Thepaper analyses the normative contradictions in the UN Charterthat result from the antagonism between power and law and reviewsthe prospects for a fundamental reform of the United NationsOrganization that would guarantee its survival under the radicallydifferent circumstances of the post-Cold War environment. Inthat regard, the paper emphasizes the need for a new paradigmof international organization that will do away with the ideaof special privileges accorded to the great powers of 1945,and emphasizes the need for a better regional balance in thedecision-making processes at the United Nations.     

State Power in Countries of Socialist Orientation

One of the major questions in the Marxist-Leninist theory of noncapitalist development of formerly backward countries is that of state power. In such countries, state power has come into being under conditions of distinctive relationships of class forces (primarily in the absence of the hegemony of any particular class); in turn, it exercises an enormous influence upon the processes of development of classes and their regrouping. The social nature of many phenomena and institutions is indissolubly linked to the character of state power. Moreover, the revolutionary establishment of the new power is the starting point of noncapitalist development itself. Therefore, a correct solution of the question of the nature of state power holds fundamental significance for the evaluation of the principal aspects of sociopolitical life in the countries of socialist orientation.     

国务院批准具有立法权的“较大的市”行为研究

国务院批准“较大的市”的行为是“较大的市”立法权的依据,因此从性质上说属于立法行为,应以行政法规的形式发布。同时应明确“较大的市”的法定标准,尽快健全批准程序,使国务院的批准行为有章可循,得以规范。     

国家亲权理论与少年司法——以美国少年司法为中心的研究

国家亲权理论是英美法系国家少年司法制度的基本理论根基,它强调国家对未成年人的积极保护责任,要求超越报应主义观念,遵循"未成年人最大利益原则"来处理少年罪错行为。国家亲权理论对于克服刑事古典学派的弊端,推动少年司法制度的进步发挥了重要的作用。但国家亲权理论在少年司法中的应用容易产生理念与实践之间的落差,如何缩小这种落差是英美国家少年司法改革的重要特征。中国的少年司法政策与国家亲权理论存在一定的类同之处,在今后的少年司法改革中应当注意吸收国家亲权理论与英美国家少年司法整合历程中的经验与教训。     

海洛因来源鉴定的新方法

毒品来源的鉴定是指对毒品样品中包含的来源信息进行提取拜分析,这有助于打击毒品犯罪.海洛因是危害我国的主要毒品,它的来源鉴定更引起人们的关注.本文介绍了国际上研究海洛因来源的三种方法,即研究海洛因样品中的各种有机杂质及其相对比例;研究海洛因样品中的痕量无机元素;研究海洛因及吗啡的稳定同位素相对比值.第三种方法能够反映样品的地域性特点,因而在来源鉴定方面有突出的优势.气相色谱-燃烧-同位素比值质谱法是同位素比值测定方法中用于海洛因来源鉴定的最佳手段.这一技术还可用于其他微量物证(如炸药、药品、油品等)的来源鉴别,因而在法庭科学领域内显示了广阔的应用前景.     

论国家所有权与行政权的关系

宪法上的国家所有权是保障每个公民平等合理利用国有财产的公共控制权,指属于国家所有的财产应当处于国家的最高控制之下,国家机关不能禁止公民对国有财产进行合理利用,因而具有强烈的公权属性,并内在地决定了只能经由立法权和行政权的行使才能实现国有的目的。从现行法对国家所有权权能的配置来看,在国有财产的具体用途被确定之前,抽象层面的国家所有权权能与行政权的行使是无法分离的。在国有财产的用途依法被确定为生活资料之后,国家所有权与行政权也不可分离,但是在国有财产的用途依法被确定为生产资料之后,国家所有权权能就应当与行政权分离。     

The Power of an Hour: Effects of Candidate Time Expenditure in State Legislative Elections

Using survey data from more than 500 legislative candidates in 17 states during the 2008 election, I examine whether state house candidates who devote more time to their campaign win a larger share of the major‐party vote. Consistent with previous work studying campaign spending in state legislative elections, I find a positive and significant association between campaign time and vote percentage for challengers—but not incumbents—in incumbent‐contested elections.