Supporting Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Glasgow: The Role of Multi-agency Networks

The implementation of a dispersal policy in Britain has broughtasylum seekers to regions of the country which previously hadlittle experience of providing services for this group. Around10,000 asylum seekers have been resettled in the city of Glasgowsince 2000 as a result of the policy. Multi-agency networkshave been established in Glasgow as a medium for facilitatingco-operation across the voluntary and statutory sectors forthe provision of locally-based support services, while alsofacilitating community development. This paper explores theexperiences of these networks since their inception. While highlightingthe continuing importance of the voluntary sector in supportingasylum seekers and refugees, it raises concerns over the reactiveway in which services have been provided, where responsibilityhas fallen on voluntary and community organizations to fillgaps in statutory service provision. It further examines theimplications for social cohesion of housing-led resettlement,which has largely been in areas suffering from social deprivation.The findings highlight the frustrations of service providersworking within a disjointed policy framework, characterizedby contradictions between Scottish and UK policy goals.     

Refugee movements in the post-Cold War era

"This article briefly describes the scope and dimensions of contemporary refugee movements by analyzing some of the forces which shape these flows. Democratization, problems of nationality and minority rights, and structural, political, economic, environmental and social changes in the post-Cold War world (especially in large parts of the developing world and in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union), are likely to result in growing numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons in the years ahead. Refugees and asylum seekers are increasingly regarded not only as a major humanitarian challenge but as a political problem and a threat to the national security of Western states. Refugee policy involves much more than defining or adjudicating claims for asylum, safe haven and refugee status for those who seek to enter or stay in the West. It is now apparent that an effective response to these issues will have to involve major Western foreign policy and international actions." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Refugees in Russia: the Law on Refugees and its Implementation

Since the adoption of a new Russian Law on Refugees in 1997,the number of recognized refugees has dropped drastically. TheLaw has a definition of the term ‘refugee’ almostidentical to that of the 1951 Convention. But many provisionsof the Law are contradictory to Russia's international obligations.After a short look at the background to the issue, the Law onRefugees is examined. Then the implementation of the Law iscompared with the situation before its entry into force. Thedifficult life conditions of refugees and asylum seekers areconsidered to be partly a result of the legal provisions andtheir realization. The factors that contribute to the presentsituation are discussed. While certain provisions of the existingLaw need to be amended, it has to be implemented in order toprovide international protection to asylum seekers.     

Bogus Refugees? The Determinants of Asylum Migration to Western Europe

This article analyzes the determinants of asylum migration to Western Europe. Potential asylum seekers balance the costs of staying versus the costs of migrating. Estimation results confirm that economic hardship and economic discrimination against ethnic minorities lead to higher flows of asylum seekers. However, political oppression, human rights abuse, violent conflict, and state failure are also important determinants. Migration networks and geographical proximity are important facilitators of asylum flows as predicted by theory and colonial experience, religious similarity, and casual contact with the developed world (aid, trade, and tourism) are not. Natural disasters and famines are also not statistically significant determinants. These events are typically short term and unexpected, whereas asylum migration to Western Europe requires preparatory planning. If Western European countries want to tackle the root causes of asylum migration, then they need to undertake policy measures that promote economic development, democracy, respect for human rights, and peaceful conflict resolution in countries of origin.     

Protection and Dignity in Johannesburg: Shortcomings of South Africa's Urban Refugee Policy

Since the end of apartheid, South African cities have becomedestinations for refugees and asylum seekers from across Africa.In line with its constitutional commitments to human rightsand dignity, South Africa has enacted a refugee policy intendedto maximize freedom and protection by promoting refugees' temporaryintegration into local communities. In doing so, the law guaranteesfreedom of movement, access to many social services, and rightsto compete in labour and housing markets. This article arguesthat because refugees and asylum seekers are effectively unableto convert these legal entitlements into effective protection,South Africa has failed to meet its domestic and internationalobligations. This argument draws particular attention to institutionalfailures in determining refugee status and issuing recognizableidentity documents; denial of essential social services; andabuse at the hands of law enforcement agents. It concludes bysuggesting a positive obligation for the state to counter thefull range of obstacles that prevent asylum seekers and refugeesfrom securing effective protection.     

CSR and social conflict in the Brazilian extractive sector

ABSTRACT

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is an important means to address conflicts, support local development and build trust between businesses and civil society. Yet CSR often fails to live up to its ambitions and can even exacerbate conflicts between companies and communities. In this article we consider how changing CSR strategies over the past four decades between Brazilian company Vale to Norwegian company Hydro have fomented or mitigated company–community conflicts in Northern Brazil. We find that paternalistic and philanthropic approaches of Vale over time led to deep resentment and mistrust due to underdevelopment and environmental damages. Moreover, while Hydro’s more modern CSR strategies sought to deepen community engagement and build legitimacy, the company has struggled in addressing the legacies inherited from Vale and past and current civil society grievances. The case suggests that even forward-thinking CSR approaches are vulnerable to failure where they prioritise business risk over community engagement, neglect to account for past legacies in areas of operation, and fail to create a shared vision of future development. It suggests that EI companies should both understand and engage with their social and environmental impacts in the past, present, and future and create shared economic benefits in the short and long term in order to address social conflicts.     

"Sticking One's Neck Out": Reducing Mistrust in Sri Lanka's Peace Negotiations

Lack of trust has been widely used as an explanation for the failure of peace negotiations. However, we know little about how mistrust can be reduced between belligerents involved in negotiating peace. Why are some confidence‐building strategies more successful than others? For theory‐building purposes, this article explores how a party can send conciliatory signals to the other party that increase trust by exposing itself to three different kinds of political risks. More specifically, it compares the variables that reduced mistrust — or failed to reduce mistrust — during two peace negotiations in Sri Lanka: in 1994–1995 and in 2002. Using a theoretical framework that combines social psychology and rational choice approaches, this article examines the communicative signaling process between the parties. In addition, by drawing out the implications from this argument, we offer some insight into why the peace process in Sri Lanka became politically stalemated in 2003. We also use our comparison of Sri Lanka's peace processes to develop general propositions about the dynamics that can reduce mistrust. The main proposition that remains to be tested empirically is whether obstacles to peace can be transformed into important catalysts for the reduction of mistrust.     

Radical right parties in Europe and anti‐foreign violence: A comparative essay

This is a comparative survey of contemporary patterns of anti‐foreign violence in Europe and some historical antecedents, such as pogroms and individual and small group attacks on visible foreigners. It considers the perpetrators and the long list of different categories of victims, many of them not foreigners at all. Against the background of general youth violence in schools and neighborhoods and waves of asylum‐seekers, the motives of anti‐foreign violence are examined and attributed to the under‐educated, ‘no‐future’ youth or underclass ‘losers’ of the ‘communications revolution’ of the 1980s. The skinhead and soccer hooligan anti‐foreign violence is, on the whole, not remotely as political as the fascist blackshirts and Nazi stormtroopers of the inter‐war period were. A look at the evidence from different European countries reveals on the one hand recruitment attempts by extreme right‐wing organizations among the skinhead and hooligan groups ‐ but rather limited success. On the other hand, most of the violent actions appear to be uncoordinated and responsive to community panic and media hype regarding the ‘floods’ of asylum‐seekers and illegal immigrants in the offing. By making themselves the executors of the community panic, the otherwise despised skinheads are grasping at personal acceptance and legitimacy.     

Asylum applications in the European Union: patterns and trends and the effects of policy measures

"Statistics on asylum applications have been used in a highly selective way in the debates on refugees and asylum policies in Western Europe, to justify restrictive measures. This paper provides a more systematic analysis of these statistics. It focuses on the pattern of origins and destinations for asylum seekers in the European Union in the period 1985-1994.... When the patterns of origin and destinations are compared for separate years, it becomes clear that the destinations of asylum movements have been constantly changing. Though some of the more remarkable shifts were clearly related to policy measures in the relevant countries, many measures produced only limited effects or failed to have any effect at all."     

Party politics,elections and (mis-)trust in Japan

Abstract

Trust matters profoundly for many dimensions of political life. In this article we focus on political trust: how the trust or mistrust citizens have toward the political process, politicians and government affects politics. Prior research has shown that political trust influences such crucial dimensions of politics as the basic legitimacy of government, political participation, voting behavior, compliance with government, and reform orientation. In this article, we seek to answer three major questions. First, is political trust declining in Japan? Second, we are interested in exploring the determinants of trust and distrust in politics: why do people lose trust in politics? What kinds of voters lose political trust? Third, we explore the consequences: what happens when people lose trust in government and politics.     

Malaysia's 2005-2006 refugee stand-off with Thailand: a security culture analysis

In September of 2005, Malaysia–Thailand relations werestressed by an incident in which 131 Thai Muslims fled acrossthe Southern Thai border to seek refuge in Malaysia. The Malaysiangovernment initially refused to return these ‘asylum seekers,’and eventually chose to internationalize the situation by callingon the United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR). Malaysia'sdecision to internationalize the issue points to potential instabilityin Malaysia-Thailand bilateral relations and reflects severalinternal political problems faced by United Malays NationalOrganization (UMNO) central decisions makers. This paper seeksto explain the Malaysian central government's security perspectiveon the northern border region. To do this, I employ MuthiahAlagappa's framework for security culture analysis in an attemptto understand Malaysian security culture from the perspectiveof that culture's central decision makers themselves. (Alagappa,M ed., (1998) Asian Security Practice: Material and IdeationalInfluences. Stanford: Stanford University Press.) Received for publication September 15, 2006. Accepted for publication October 10, 2007.     

Framing Asylum Discourse in Luxembourg

This article examines media and political asylum discourse inLuxembourg between 1993 and 2000. A frame analysis of mediaand political asylum discourses and a headline analysis of newscoverage of the refugee and asylum question were implementedto that effect. The results show that media and political actorsin Luxembourg used four frames to refer to the refugee and asylumquestion: administrative, genuineness, human dignity, and returnhome. Overall, the framing of asylum discourse in Luxembourgwas shown to reflect a restrictive undercurrent—relatingto the prevention of the asylum systems of member states ofthe European Union—identified in European asylum discourse.The article concludes by noting that the framing of media andpolitical asylum discourse in Luxembourg was affected by national,international and supranational concerns relating to the regulationof asylum.     

The View from Next Door: Greek-Turkish Relations after the Coup Attempt in Turkey

ABSTRACT

Turkey’s recent slide into authoritarianism will have implications for its close neighbours in the West. Especially Greece cannot avoid negative spill-over effects. A coalition government comprising Syriza and Independent Greeks does not have an unconstrained set of policy choices in responding to this. Maintaining effective working relations is a paramount interest but achieving this is easier in principle than in practice especially considering the issues of asylum seekers and Turkish revisionism on the Lausanne Treaty. Unlike the two parties that dominated the Greek political scene after 1974, PASOK and New Democracy, the current government has little experience navigating choppy diplomatic seas with Turkey.     

More than a token gesture: NGOs and trade unions campaigning for a common cause

With the passage of the 1999 Asylum and Immigration Act in the UK, a system of vouchers for all new asylum seekers was to be introduced from April 2000. These vouchers were widely regarded as iniquitous in that they discriminated against an already vulnerable sector of society. A unique coalition between two NGOs (Oxfam GB and the Refugee Council) and a trade union (the Transport and General Workers' Union—TGWU) led to a concerted campaign against the voucher scheme that included a range of media work, political lobbying, and public awareness raising. The voucher scheme was eventually scrapped. This article draws various practical lessons on how to develop successful collaborative relationships across different social sectors. The author concludes that the principal lesson is not that NGOs must work with trade unions, but that by working with others, united by a common goal, they can challenge injustice effectively and make a difference to people's lives.     

The New 'Dubliners': Implementation of European Council Regulation 343/2003 (Dublin-II) by the Greek Authorities

The paper analyses a recent practice applied by the Greek asylumauthorities in the case of many asylum applicants who are returnedto Greece by another European Union Member State by virtue ofthe ‘Dublin-II’ Regulation. This practice consistsin interrupting the examination of their asylum claim on thegrounds that the applicants have arbitrarily abandoned theirplace of residence. Greek legislation provides for this actionin similar cases but was not used, up till recently, on casesof ‘Dublin’ returnees. The paper examines the reasonsthat led the Greek authorities to adopt this policy and itsfoundation in Greek asylum law and procedures, and challengesthe practice legally and politically. It argues that, in adoptingsuch a stance, Greece seems not only to go against the mainobjective of the Dublin-II Regulation (that an asylum applicationis examined once, and once only in the EU) but to contradictand undermine European Union policies on asylum, breaking theprinciple of good faith in its relations with its EU partners.In addition, it considers the possibility of similar problemsbeing repeated in other national legal orders.     

Sharing the Burden: The Role of Government and NGOs in Protecting and Providing for Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Japan

This article examines the background to Japan's current refugeerecognition and protection regime in the thematic context ofburden-sharing. It considers recent legislative reforms andthe role of local NGOs with the aim of setting Japan's domesticprotection framework against the background of its internationallegal obligations. The analysis suggests that the policy andpractices of the Japanese government have resulted in the exclusionof many who seek to enter the country and that for those in-countrythere is inadequate state social and welfare provision. Thearticle questions whether Japan's significant financial contributioncan adequately discharge its international burden-sharing responsibilitiesand argues that the government has effectively shifted responsibilityfor protection and support to local NGOs. It concludes thatwithout further changes burden-shifting and not burden-sharingwill remain a predominant feature of Japan's approach to protectingand providing for asylum seekers and refugees in Japan.     

Agents of Change or Passive Victims: The Impact of Welfare States (the Case of the Netherlands) on Refugees

This paper explores the impact of a regulated society such asthe Netherlands on the lives of refugees in general and on thoseof Iranian women refugees in particular. Two periods are distinguishedin regard to Dutch asylum policies: the 1980s and post-1990.For the 1980s when refugee reception was less restricted, Iuse empirical material collected between 1995 and 2000. Thewomen I interviewed during this period were leftist activistsinvolved in the Iranian revolution of 1979 and had to leaveIran because of their political backgrounds. The material usedfor the post-1990 or more restricted period, is mainly fromsecondary sources, supplemented by occasional, informal visitsto asylum seeker centres. The paper argues that a strict refugeepolicy—especially the policy that was put in place duringthe 1990s—has a direct effect on the affected refugeesby making them dependents of the state. These restricted policiesreinforce the image of refugees as problems in society and havean effect, albeit less direct, on the lives of the refugeeswho arrived prior to the 1990s and who are now Dutch citizens.     

Anti-Corruption Strategies and Democratization in Bosnia-Herzegovina

There is an international consensus that corruption undermines the democratic process and the legitimacy of government. Anti-corruption strategies are increasingly becoming an integral part of democratization programmes in non-western states. Where there are doubts over the effectiveness of these programmes they have tended to be expressed in relation to the level of social and economic development necessary to ensure a separation between private and public spheres. The experience of extensive international anti-corruption policies in Bosnia provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between anti-corruption initiatives and democratization in the European context. Taking a broad systemic approach to tackling political corruption, it was assumed that international policy in this area could strengthen the authority of democratic political institutions, encourage public participation and rebuild relations of trust within and between communities. This study of the impact of systemic anti-corruption strategies focuses on the effectiveness of these initiatives in meeting democratization goals. The results have been disappointing. The reasons for this may lie in the initial assumptions, not because they assume a higher level of social and economic development than Bosnian society has attained but because they have a narrow reductive view of the political process.     

Using the personal influence model to guide theory building for participatory communication in Africa

Abstract

This article argues that the personal influence model (PIM) be used strategically to resolve conflicts and social crises in Africa. It presents PIM as a complementary, analytic discourse to participatory communication, a development paradigm commonly used globally in a variety of social programs. That discourse, as a framework for theory building, is grounded in Africa's emerging and enduring realities: (a) the growing interest of the international community to assist Africa to meet the U.N. Millennium Development Goals, whose focus is to reduce extreme poverty by 2015; (b) the ephemeral nature of Africa's political and social stability that necessitates reducing fear, improving community security, nurturing public trust, and building inter-group relationships, all as preconditions for attaining social development, and for using a community-agency- contracts-partnerships approach to deliver development services; and (c) the palpable congruence of PIM with Africa's extensive social networks, which are typically used as communication tools for social development. Those realities guide four propositions that serve as a heuristic template for testing and refining the participatory approach, thereby guiding theory building in participatory communication in African communities. That template identifies an expansive three-concept research agenda – culture, community governance and rule of law, and economic freedom – that raises questions, defines concepts, measures key variables, and assesses outcomes.     

对增强中国-东盟政治互信的思考——写在中国一东盟建立战略伙伴关系10周年之际

本文回顾了中国-东盟战略伙伴关系建立10年来的经历，认为政治互信是连接双方关系的重要纽带。10年来，双方在政治互信的建设方面取得了不少实质性的成果，但也存在着不足。本文指出，未来10年深化中国-东盟战略伙伴关系的关键仍取决于政治互信的建设，双方都应为此而付出不懈的努力。