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1.
This paper explores what kind of regional trade agreement is most likely to emerge in Northeast Asia by tracing the trajectories of APEC. Taking into account the underlying potential of realizing cumulative causation effects between market expansion and technology cooperation among China, Japan and Korea, it reaches the tentative conclusion that a Northeast Asia Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) might take shape in the near future despite the prevalence of polarized versions in the cultural heritage and the international relations between these three countries. 相似文献
2.
This topic involves some difficulties, one of which is about the concept of “Northeast Asia”. Broadly speaking, Northeast
Asia should include China, Japan, Korean Peninsula, Russia’s Far East, and Mongolia. It is obviously not possible to address
complex issues in such a broad region within several pages. Therefore, this paper shall focus on the main part of Northeast
Asia, i.e., China, Japan, and Korea.
Dr. PAN Guang
is the Director and Professor of Shanghai Center for International Studies and Institute of European & Asian Studies at Shanghai
Academy of Social Sciences, Director of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) Studies Center in Shanghai. 相似文献
3.
The aim of this article is to answer the question what kind of global security architecture emerged after September 11 and
what functions Europe, East Asia and the United States assumed in this triadic structure. The empirical findings reveal that
the transpacific security cooperation is the strengthening link in this global security structure, the transatlantic security
cooperation the weakening one and the Asia–Europe Security Cooperation is to be seen as the emerging link. In order to explain
these different institutional manifestations of transregional cooperation, different theories of International Relations are
applied to the three cases. It comes as no surprise that neoinstitutionalism and constructivism offer the best insights into
the formation and development of international institutions.
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4.
Regional integration in East Asia has been described as ‘market-led’ integration driven by the activities of multinational
corporations creating vertical specialisation. This paper investigates the effect of free trade agreements (FTAs) on vertical
specialisation-based trade by employing a gravity estimation for a sample of nine East Asian countries plus the US. We find
that FTAs promote international trade based on vertical specialisation and enhances deep integration between countries. The
FTA effect on vertical specialisation-based trade increases with pre-agreement vertical linkage level, that is, the deeper
the real integration between countries the larger the FTA impact. The results of this paper also suggest that deeper economic
integrations, such as currency unions, will enhance trade based on vertical production by reducing the risk of exchange rate
volatility.
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5.
East Asia is becoming an increasingly coherent regional entity in political economic terms, and remains a region of enormous
geo-strategic significance for the European Union. Europe’s links with China and Japan are especially important, and moreover
these two countries are looking in various ways to exercise various forms of regional leadership in East Asia. This has critical
implications for the EU’s relations with the East Asia region generally, and also for the wider international system. Similar
and related impacts maybe construed from deepening East Asian regionalism, involving processes where both Japan and China
play vitally important roles. The analysis presented here examines the both micro and macro level developments in East Asian
regionalism, and issues relating to Japan, China and regional leadership. It concludes by discusses the implications of these
matters for the European Union, and recommends that the EU should pay particularly close attention to emergent exercises of
regional leadership in East Asia, most likely to be performed by Japan and/or China.
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6.
Until 1997, the only preferential trading arrangement, which existed in East Asia, was the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Former
Prime Minister of Malaysia Tun Dr. Mahathir had realized earlier the deficiency of AFTA in terms of stimulating economic development.
In 1990, he proposed to ASEAN members to form the East Asian Economic Group. Due to regional political factors, his proposal
was turned down and replaced with the East Asian Economic Caucus in 1992. In 1997, again, he proposed that ASEAN needed to
establish large economic cooperation with other countries in East Asia. His suggestion had been warmly responded by the members
of East Asian countries. At the ASEAN summit in Manila 1999, ASEAN Plus 3 (APT) was created. ASEAN, China, Japan, and South
Korea had agreed and reached a joint statement to form a free-trade area by the year 2020. The establishment of APT was timely
since most countries in the world are moving toward establishing wider or larger economic blocs due to the failure of multilateralism
of the WTO in creating a new trade agreement. However, there is a shortcoming in the process of building APT, in the minimal
and uncertain role of Japan in integrating economies in East Asia. This behavior has disappointed members of the group. The
intention of this paper is to discuss the behavior of Japan in the economic integration process in East Asia.
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7.
External crises such as the Bird Flu epidemic, as well as severe environmental problems, are changing overall attitudes towards
research in human health and the environment. At present, the EU is putting pressure on developing countries in Asia and elsewhere
to increase their environmental capacities and put forward methods of environmental management that support innovation and
competitiveness. They are also being encouraged to participate in the Kyoto protocol and Bali processes on climate change.
This paper aims to address the current issues faced by the EU in promoting environmentally friendly technologies in Southeast
Asia, as well as to examine the opportunities for technological cooperation between Europe and Asia. It will use Indonesia,
Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam—some of the EU’s chosen recipients of official development assistance in the
region—as case studies, in order to examine how these countries implement policies that incorporate environmental technology
strategies designed to promote sustainable development. It will also attempt to identify the type of actions that are being
pursued by their respective governments, with the support of the EU and its member states. Finally, the paper will suggest
which types of environmentally friendly technologies and best practice could be transferred from Europe to Southeast Asia,
and to the wider Asian region.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ‘ EU–Asia Relations: A Critical Review’ conference at the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence at the University of Melbourne, 27–28 March 2008. I would like
to express my gratitude to the conference participants for their comments and suggestions.
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8.
The central framework of Asian integration is ASEAN+3 and, since its first Summit meeting in 1997, it has advanced regional
integration in East Asia. Based on the direct experience of the author, this article presents a critical assessment of the
progress made over the past ten years and argues that the ‘Singapore Declaration’ of 2007 is not ambitious enough for the
future. An East Asian customs union (EACU) and common regional market should be the next targets for trade integration. In
terms of monetary integration, Asia should aim for de-dollarisation and to achieve this it is crucially important to create
a regional Asian monetary system (AMS).
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9.
This article sets out to inquire whether or not—political desiderata apart—genuine intercultural dialogue is feasible between
Europe and East Asia, and if so, in which subject areas this could be done productively. It therefore examines the underlying
value patterns which are grounded in religious traditions on both sides. It retraces the consequences which Communist rule
had (and continues to have) on religious practice and ethnic identities of affected societies, and reviews the salient inter-ethnic
and inter-religious conflicts which surfaced during the past quarter century on both continents. This is done in order to
be able to qualify empirically Huntington’s theory on predominantly cultural clashes between civilizations. In conclusion
we find a large measure of congruence between normative values of Christianity and Buddhism and between the secularized work
ethics of Confucianism and of (Calvinist) Protestantism, so as to permit a meeting of minds. Conflicts were caused by the
religious and ethnic suppression by Communist regimes (Soviet Union, China, N. Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia), by other authoritarian
regimes (post Communist Serbia and Russia, Myanmar), and by nationalist: chauvinism. Conflicts between cultures (Bosnia, Nagorno
Karabach, Abkhazia, Chechnya, Eastern Indonesia, East Timor, Pattani, Mindanao, Tibet, Xinjiang) occured as well as within
them (Transnistria, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Aceh). Huntington is thus frequently right, but not universally so. Moreover open
conflicts on the two continents have rather been limited in extent and mostly took place in peripheral regions. Coexistence
with Muslims is difficult both in Europe and in East Asia. But more often than not they appear as victims of aggression (Bosnia,
Chechnya, Xinjiang, Pattani, the Cham) rather than as its perpetrators (Northern Cyprus, East Timor, Eastern Indonesia, and
Al Quaida linked terrorism in the UK, Spain, Bali and Mindanao). In view of common values and similar problems, dialogue and
cooperation should—and are—perfectly possible and potentially productive on a wide range of subjects, starting from conflict
management and prevention, confidence building and reconciliation, to grand subjects of managing the consequences of globalization,
of global security, of sharing experiences on regional integration, of lessons to be learned from development cooperation,
on environmental protection and resource conservation, and on solving common demographic problems.
Adapted lecture on “Dialogue of Cultures and Religions within and with East Asia” given at the Afro-Asian Institute, University
of Graz (Austria) on 9.10.2007. Note that this article reflects only personal views.
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10.
Northeast Asia (NEA) is on the international security agenda for a lot of reasons. The historical legacy, territorial disputes,
the region’s growing importance as an economic actor and a trading partner accompanied by increasing defence expenditures
and acquisition of high tech weaponry and the political isolation of a “rogue” North Korea have all contributed to fear that
NEA could open a Pandora’s box of a nuclear arms race. In this paper, I analyse recent strategic trends in Asia and try to
evaluate the main motivations and objectives of a country like North Korea behind Weapons of Mass Destruction proliferation
and the impact of this “nuclear diplomacy” on the evolution of defence policy of major military power like Japan.
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11.
Asian countries with Confucian heritage culture (CHC) such as China, Vietnam, Singapore, Korea and Japan have been proven
to share characteristics of a collectivist society. Researchers agree that this collectivist mentality strongly supports cooperation
that CHC's learners/workers best perform in groups. However, little is known about the other side of the coin. Whilst applying
a method born in one culture to another, cultural differences have been forgotten. The so-called global application has led
to a situation in which a Western model is forced to launch in a completely new and different context. This new context and
the existing cultural values are not always incorporated into the implementation of a Western concept of cooperative learning.
Consequently, it does not necessarily follow that all forms of cooperative learning will surely succeed within a CHC environment.
As a result of ignoring, stereotyping and underestimating cultural and educational characteristics, in CHC countries, the
implementation of constructivism and one of its applications—cooperative learning—has ended up in failures, suspicion or resistance.
The authors would like to question (1) the fixed assumption that “group-work surely works in CHC countries” and (2) the domination
of developmentalism in education nowadays and its mismatch with cultural assets. With this paper, the authors contribute to
the recent call for culturally appropriate pedagogy.
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12.
Since its inception in 1996 ASEM has provided an opportunity for focussing relations between the EU and East Asia as a forum
for informal multilayered dialogue and building a framework for enhanced cooperation in the political, economic and social/cultural
fields. Inter-regionalism, of which ASEM is the incarnation in the EU-Asia relationship, developed into an important policy
tool of the EU in an effort to maintain a multipolar setting. Regional identities in Asia are at a different level when comparing
South East Asia, North East Asia, East Asia and South and Central Asia. ASEM contributed to a certain extent to the region
building in East Asia. Although the economic pillar of ASEM turned out to be the more important one when compared to the political
and the people-to-people pillars, it will not become the basis for a (deep) inter-regional free trade agreement because of
the diversity of the Asian members, reinforced by the last ASEM enlargement. However, turning weakness into strength, ASEM
could become the EU’s vehicle for a more holistic approach to Asia thereby fostering a more economic and political multipolar
world order. The financial melt down of the international financial order lead to the rediscovery of the need for international
cooperation not only on the level of business but also among states. Making use of ASEM, developed over the last 12 years,
could provide the much needed platform in the EU-Asia relationship.
The author, Adjunct Professor for International Politics at the University of Innsbruck, formerly served as ASEM Counsellor
of the European Commission as well as Minister and Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to Japan and is
presently EC Ambassador to Switzerland. He contributes this paper solely in his academic capacity and the views expressed
should not be attributed to the European Commission; the thoughtful comments by Brigid Gavin on the draft are appreciated
and the research assistance of Tilo Wagner is recognised.
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13.
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
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14.
World history has known areas of relative isolation and areas of high intensity of cultural interaction. The Mediterranean
Sea, the Silk Road or the Straits of Malacca can be cited as such crucial contact zones. Within these areas, centres sprung
up that served as interfaces between cultures and societies. These “hubs” as we would like to call them, emerged at various
points throughout the contact zones, rose to prominence and submerged into oblivion due to a variety of natural calamities
or political fortunes. This paper assesses the rise and fall of trade and knowledge hubs along the Straits of Malacca from
before colonialisation until today. Historical hubs of maritime trade and religiosity today increasingly establish themselves
as educational and knowledge hubs. This leads us to speak of the Straits of Malacca as a chain of—not pearls—but knowledge
hubs with Singapore as the knowledge hub in the region shining the brightest of all, as the data suggest. We aim to conceptually
grasp this development by suggesting a model or at least a hypothesis about the rise and movement of knowledge hubs in general.
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15.
The paper analyses the basic parameters of the power of China, according to Geopolitical Theory. Even though the authors adopt
a critical approach on some aspects of the geopolitical theory, the geopolitical analysis elucidates the interests of China
and the United States and focuses on the way of which the American decision-making system perceives China. The article interprets
the geopolitical role of China, starting from the origins of geopolitical theory to the contemporary international relations
theory. In addition, it focuses on the current geo-strategic context of the Far East. It analyses Chinas' strategic thinking,
China's nuclear doctrine and its military power as compared to the neighbouring countries and as a major player in the world
economy.
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16.
This paper provides a constructivist explanation of the political weakness of the EU in East Asia. By examining the corporate
identity of the EU as well as its social identities towards ASEM, China and Japan, I argue that the identities which the EU
has constructed towards the outside world and in relation to the region, based on self recognitions of its superpower status
and the defence of certain political values, is disliked by both China and Japan for different reasons. Without the support
of the two regional superpowers, the EU is not capable of getting involved in the resolution of East Asian hard political
affairs.
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17.
Trade interdependence between Europe and Asia has rapidly increased in recent years. Europe–Asia trade flows now constitute
a ‘third link’ in the global economy. As trade expands, however, global trade governance has declined and free trade agreements
(FTAs) have increased. Hence, the Global Europe strategy has been designed to enhance trade relations with emerging Asia which
is the most dynamic region in the global economy today. But Asia’s model of export led growth leaves it more exposed to shocks
emanating from outside the region than ever before raising questions about its sustainability. Deep integration agreements
between Europe and Asia are needed to foster economic growth. They also need a development dimension to help Asian countries
address their key development challenges.
Brigid Gavin was the Research Coordinator of the workshop on ‘ Deep Integration and North–South Free Trade Agreements: EU Strategy for a Global Economy’ which provided the papers and discussion forum for the articles in this special edition. The workshop took place at the
United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS) centre in Bruges, Belgium on 19–20 June, 2008.
She wishes to express her thanks to Mr Luk Van Langenhove, Director of UNU-CRIS for financial support and to all the authors
and participants in the workshop for their contribution to making this project a real success. A special word of thanks goes
to Lars Nilsson, Chief Economist Unit, DG Trade, European Commission for his opening presentation to the workshop.
Alice Sindzingre is Research Fellow, National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), University of Paris and Visiting Lecturer
at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. This analysis draws from her paper ‘ The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Africa’ which she presented at the workshop and available on the UNU-CRIS website.
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18.
Current IMF reform proposals are preoccupied with changing governance structures by reallocating Executive Board chairs and
quota shares and with expanding and altering the Fund’s surveillance role, but not enough attention has been paid to whether
organizational change at the staff level is also needed. IMF staff have intellectual dominance and discretion in the design
of loan conditionality, writing of surveillance reports, and provision of technical and policy advice. There are also clear
internal and external criticisms of how the Fund’s organizational culture—that is perceived to be hierarchical, technical/economistic,
bureaucratic, and homogeneous/conforming—negatively affects the Fund’s policy output and relationship with borrowing members.
This article suggests altering ’how things are done’ at the IMF by making changes to recruitment and organizational structure.
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19.
International provision of higher education services in both European and East Asian countries increasingly have a regional
dimension. The European Union has since 1987 promoted the mobility of students, faculty, and content through its Erasmus Programmes.
The ‘Bologna’ process that began in 1998/1999 now brings over 40 European countries together to create a European Higher Education
Area by the end of the current decade. Meanwhile, East Asian countries (10 in ASEAN, plus P.R. China, Japan and South Korea)
are also in a process of internationalising their higher education sector with an increasing regional component. Led by Japan,
the “ASEAN+3 study group on facilitation and promotion of exchange of people and human resource development” advanced a comprehensive
report, welcomed by the East Asian leaders meeting in October 2003, that strives for regional promotion of lifelong learning
programs; credit transfer systems; scholarships and exchange programs for students, faculty, staff; research and development
cooperation; ‘centres of excellence’ including e-learning; and curricular development as bases for common regional qualification
standards among interested institutions. Both regional processes could reinforce each other in various ways, but possibly
chiefly through the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM) process, unique among various recent inter-regional dialogue and cooperation
processes around the world. Moreover, European and East Asian converging higher education processes could help the rest of
the world through world inter-regionalism, and through an overhaul of international organisations dealing with higher education.
This research was mainly funded by a grant from the Spanish Ministry of Education, Secretary of State for Universities and
Research, cofinanced by the European Social Fund. A research fellowship from the Japan Foundation’s Japanese Studies and Intellectual
Exchange Department is also kindly acknowledged.
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20.
The aim of this paper is to discuss and examine the regional projects of institutionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia. The main focus is on Myanmar, a regional ‘outcast’ whose membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 1997 has helped it to gain international legitimacy and be able to stand relatively strong against Western sanctions. The military regime is riding on the wave of ASEAN norms and a communitarian culture. The question remains as to how long the country can continue to do so. A rather skeptical view is emphasized on the ‘ASEAN Way’ in dealing with the military regime, and for the overall political dialogue with the European Union. Many ambitious objectives such as sovereign equality in institutionalism are widely questioned, and the European Union has gone against many of its treaties in order to keep its relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper puts prominence on the political and security relationship rather than on the economic aspect, which has been far more successful. The role of values and the human rights debate will be highlighted and described as the greatest obstacle for any future political cooperation. 相似文献
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