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赵旭 《当代世界》2014,(4):65-66
<正>作为美国重返亚洲战略的重要一环,美国与湄公河流域国家多边合作——美湄合作在2009年7月拉开了大幕。美国时任国务卿希拉里与柬埔寨、泰国、老挝、越南四国外长共同签署了《东南亚友好合作条约》,标志着美国重返东南亚的号角吹响了。时隔不到一年,  相似文献   

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《当代世界》2013,(7):81-82
一、日举办非洲会议公布援非新举措 6月3日,为期三天的第五届东京非洲发展国际会议在日本横滨闭幕。会议由日本政府和联合国、世界银行等国际机构共同主办,共计51个非洲国家应邀与会,其中有39住领导人亲自出席。日本首相安倍晋三在会上宣布,未来五年将向非洲提供320亿美元资金,其中包括140亿美元的政府开发援助。会议发表的《横滨宣言》指出,民间是非洲经济增长的关键动力,需要维护非洲的和平与稳定,为地区发展创造良好条件。  相似文献   

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2006年9月,安倍当选自民党总裁、出任日本内阁总理大臣并组成新内阁后,提出要推进"有主张的外交".日本对外政策也因此而发生了一些引人注目的变化.  相似文献   

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Difficulties abound in any attempt to generalize about the role of ethnicity in foreign policy-making in the United States. First, some ethnic groups have become more iduential than others. Second, those that have succeeded have seen their influence rise and fall, depending on multiple factors and circumstances. Still other groups, despite their increasing numbers, have yet to attempt to influence foreign policy.

The Hispanic experience in iniluencing foreign policy belongs to the last category. Several factors account for the limited Hispanic influence in foreign policy, such as their fragmentation and their lack of clout in domestic issues. Other factors are more specifically political and have to do with the fact that active involvement by Hispanics in politics has yet to come.

The end of the Cold War has displaced security issues from the top of the foreign policy agenda of the United States. The overarching rationale granted by anti-communism is no longer available.

Simultaneously, the Summit of the Americas, of December 1994, has recognized that economic issues, such as trade and investment, have gained ascendancy in the Hemispheric agenda.

The primacy of economics in Hemispheric relations furnishes an opportunity for Hispanic businesses to participate more actively in trade and investment relations in the Hemisphere.

However, as revealed by the debate on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), trade and investment have proven to be very divisive issues for Hispanics. Consequently, the Hispanic business community, particularly those small and medium size companies that are already active in international trade and investment, will have to act deliberately to benefit fiom the opportunities that are emerging.  相似文献   

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Australian foreign policy is examined in light of the population issue and its relationships to its developing Asian neighbors. Rapid population growth has been a 20th-century phenomenon. In the ESCAP region, almost all governments are anxious to reduce growth rates and welcome international assistance for population programs. The motivation of these governments seems to be both political and economic. Asian countries do not share the view expressed at Bucharest by Latin American and African representatives that high population growth rates are not a problem. Results of national family planning programs in 16 developing Asian countries are assessed. Major fertility decline has only occurred so far in the most prosperous of these countries. Future fertility trends are hard to predict. Present inadequate knowledge of the determinants of human fertility and limited knowledge regarding fertility limitation techniques hamper progress in population reduction. Australia has aided these countries in demographic training and data collection. For both economic and humanitarian reasons, this aid should be extended to program implementation.  相似文献   

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近年来俄罗斯外交虽然没有战略性调整,但其政策的变化却是比较明显的.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):261-268
The importance of status concerns on Russia's foreign policy agenda has been increasingly observed. This preoccupation with status is particularly visible in Russia's relations with the West. Although strong claims about status in Russian foreign policy are frequently made in public and private by researchers, journalists, politicians, diplomats and other commentators, such claims often lack any closer theoretical or empirical justification. The aim of this introductory article is, therefore, to outline the basic components that form the research agenda on status. Status, if properly examined, helps us understand not only Russian foreign policy, put also present-day international politics and its transformation in a broader sense.In a first part, we identify the theoretical voids concerning the study of international status. In a second part we outline the drivers and logic of status concerns, considering in particular identity theories, psychological approaches and existing research regarding emotions. The presented research agenda on status, derived from International Relations and related theories, provides a well-structured tool-box for investigating the link between status, identity and emotions in Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis the West. In a third part we present the key questions rose by the contributors to this Special Issue and summarize their main findings.  相似文献   

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